India and the United States are strategic partners, closely aligned in their economic, political, and defense policies. They conduct regular joint military exercises, share intelligence, and cooperate on global challenges from counterterrorism to climate change. Yet, less than four decades ago, the two countries were on the brink of a simulated war — with the U.S. preparing to strike deep into Indian territory.
In 1991, as the Cold War collapsed and the Soviet Union disintegrated, a shadowy crisis emerged in South Asia. Tensions between nuclear-armed neighbors India and Pakistan were boiling over, especially over Kashmir, and American defense strategists were preparing for the worst. For the United States, which had emerged as the world’s sole superpower, a nuclear war in South Asia was not just a regional concern—it was a global catastrophe in the making.
What followed was a military simulation so aggressive that it bordered on an act of war. Conducted by U.S. defense giant General Dynamics, the simulation envisioned a full-blown American attack on Indian military infrastructure to stop a possible Indian pre-emptive strike on Pakistan.
The wargame, meant to pitch the next generation of American cruise missiles to the Pentagon, outlined a hypothetical scenario set in the year 2000. The Kashmir crisis had escalated to its peak. Intelligence reports suggested India was planning a surgical nuclear strike against Pakistan’s launch facilities. In response, the U.S. war machine mobilized to crush India’s offensive capability before a single missile could be launched.
According to the simulation, India had declared a 600-nautical-mile maritime exclusion zone around its coast and warned foreign powers to stay out. Undeterred, the U.S. dispatched two aircraft carrier battle groups and two nuclear-powered submarines into the Indian Ocean. The U.S. violated India’s declared zone southwest of Bombay, provoking a fierce response.
Indian Navy aircraft performed mock attacks on the U.S. fleet. The Americans responded by placing their B-52 bombers in Diego Garcia on full alert. The strategic bombers were assigned clear targets inside India — the Agni and Prithvi missile launch sites, the Virabhu nuclear submarine base, Venduruthy naval air station, ammunition depots, aircraft hangars, power plants, and key logistical centers.
In total, 190 cruise missiles were fired by American submarines, destroyers, and bombers in the simulation. The strikes were surgical but devastating. India’s command-and-control systems were assumed to be disabled. Its Navy was under continuous fire. Its aircraft could not take off. A total of 117 additional missiles were held in reserve — to “ensure no retaliation.”
The goal, according to the declassified simulation documents and reporting by a veteran journalist who first broke the story in The Telegraph on March 14, 1991, was clear: paralyze India’s military infrastructure before it could initiate or retaliate with nuclear force. The simulation grouped India with rogue states like Iran and Libya, sparking outrage in New Delhi.
The early 1990s were a time of uncertainty. The world had just emerged from the Cold War’s binary structure. With the USSR gone, the global balance of power shifted drastically. New power centers, like a rising India, were viewed with suspicion by American strategists.
On September 27, 1990, U.S. Air Force Lt. Gen. G.L. Butler gave a testimony before Congress identifying three major threats to future peace: persistent rivalries between historical enemies (India-Pakistan), systemic failures in developing countries, and the rise of new centers of power. India checked all three boxes in Washington’s eyes.
India had conducted its first nuclear test in 1974 and maintained an ambiguous nuclear posture. Its strategic cooperation with the USSR, combined with moves like leasing the Soviet-made nuclear-powered submarine INS Chakra and expanding its naval ambitions in the Indian Ocean, further alienated the United States.
Each missile test by India, whether Agni or Prithvi, was met with a stern American rebuke. To the U.S., India was not just a regional power—it was a potentially destabilizing force in an already volatile region.
The war game was more than just a hypothetical exercise. It was a sales pitch.
General Dynamics, the company behind the simulation, had developed the Tomahawk cruise missile with McDonnell Douglas. Now, it was pushing for funding and adoption of a new generation of cruise missiles with triple the range. The simulation’s goal was to convince Congress and the Pentagon that the United States needed more surgical, long-range, high-impact strike options in a changing world.
By showcasing how its new missile systems could disable a large, ambitious regional power like India in a matter of hours, General Dynamics was making a hard sell. Ironically, the company that once simulated annihilating India is today a supplier of defense equipment to New Delhi.
The relationship began to shift meaningfully only two decades later.
In 2012, President Barack Obama unveiled a Strategic Guidance document that marked a historic pivot toward the Asia-Pacific region. The document emphasized the importance of strengthening alliances and partnerships in Asia to counterbalance China’s rise. India was described as a “linchpin” of this strategy.
This pivot changed the tone of bilateral ties. India was no longer seen as a potential antagonist. It was now a counterweight to China, a fellow democracy, and a partner in maintaining maritime freedom and order in the Indo-Pacific.
India responded by diversifying its defense partnerships. It had long depended on Russian weapons, but now sought American systems for diversification and modernization. Joint exercises like “Malabar” became regular features. Intelligence sharing, interoperability drills, and co-development of systems gained momentum.
In a twist of history, General Dynamics—the same firm that simulated the destruction of Indian military assets—is now working closely with the Indian Army.
In April 2025, India is set to finalize a deal to purchase Stryker armored combat vehicles from General Dynamics Land Systems-Canada. The 8×8 wheeled infantry carriers are designed for rapid mobility in high-altitude terrain, perfect for deployments along the Line of Actual Control with China in Eastern Ladakh and Sikkim.
Powered by a 350-horsepower Caterpillar C7 engine, with a top speed of 100 km/h and a range of 483 kilometers, the Stryker vehicles also come with modular ceramic armor for enhanced protection. Their compatibility with the IAF’s Chinook helicopters allows rapid insertion into rugged terrain.
The deal follows a three-phase plan by India’s Ministry of Defense. The first phase involves a limited purchase through the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) route. The second phase shifts to co-production in India, with technology transfer. The final phase will involve joint development of future armored platforms suited to Indian needs.
This is not just a defense transaction. It marks a culmination of decades of evolving ties, from suspicion and simulated conflict to strategic partnership and joint production.
The India-U.S. defense transformation is more than a change in posture. It reflects how geopolitical compulsions rewrite old assumptions.
India is now part of the Quad, alongside the U.S., Japan, and Australia, focusing on Indo-Pacific security. American companies are establishing joint ventures with Indian firms under the “Make in India” initiative. U.S. defense officials routinely refer to India as a “net security provider” in the region.
And perhaps most significantly, Washington no longer sees New Delhi through the lens of Pakistan or the Cold War. It sees India as an independent power, whose ambitions—regional and global—can complement American interests rather than threaten them.
This shift is pragmatic, not romantic. Both nations still have differences—on trade, on human rights, on Russia. But there is an understanding that strategic alignment, especially against a rising and assertive China, overrides these frictions.
There’s a strange symmetry in how history plays out. The same Indian Navy that once threatened to turn mock attacks into real strikes against the U.S. Navy in 1991 now conducts joint carrier operations with American forces in the Bay of Bengal. The same U.S. generals who once feared India’s Agni missiles now welcome India’s role in missile defense cooperation and space security.
The evolution of India-U.S. ties is not just a story of diplomacy—it’s a case study in global realignment. It shows how threats are often defined by context, and how alliances are forged not by sentiment, but by strategy.
As General Dynamics delivers the first batch of Strykers to India later this year, the symbolism is unmistakable. A nation once seen as a threat is now a buyer, partner, and perhaps, an indispensable ally.
And somewhere in the archives of Washington’s defense contractors lies a dusty file — a simulation that imagined a different future, one where war with India was not only possible but necessary. History, fortunately, chose another path.
