Saudi Arabia could become the first Arab country to sign a deal for the American-made F-35 Lightning II stealth fighter jet, marking a historic shift in Middle Eastern defense alignments — if ongoing discussions between U.S. President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) progress smoothly.
According to Reuters, Riyadh’s long-pending request for the F-35 stealth aircraft has now “cleared a key Pentagon hurdle” ahead of the Crown Prince’s visit to the White House on November 18, signaling that the deal may be entering its final stages of review.
Saudi Arabia has long sought to acquire the Lockheed Martin–built F-35, the world’s most advanced fifth-generation multirole fighter. The new Reuters report reveals that Riyadh has formally requested 48 F-35A aircraft — a figure that has not been previously disclosed — and that the deal has progressed to the secretary level within the U.S. Department of Defense.
A senior U.S. official told the agency that the sale “was moving through the system” but would still need further clearances at the Cabinet level, including a direct sign-off from President Trump and formal notification to Congress, before it could be finalized.
This revelation follows the Trump administration’s May 2025 approval of a $142 billion arms package for Saudi Arabia, which covered air defense, maritime security, and space modernization — but notably excluded the F-35. That omission had sparked speculation that Washington was hesitant to supply the stealth fighter to the kingdom for fear of upsetting Israel’s “qualitative military edge” (QME) in the region.
The proposed F-35 sale may also be entwined with a broader geopolitical strategy. The Reuters report and other analysts suggest that the offer could be linked to renewed U.S. efforts to broker normalization between Riyadh and Tel Aviv, similar to the earlier Abraham Accords.
In 2023, negotiations between Saudi Arabia and Israel had nearly concluded, with U.S. security guarantees as part of the framework. However, the process collapsed after Israel launched a massive bombing campaign on Gaza following the October 7 Hamas attacks.
With Trump returning to the diplomatic spotlight, observers believe he could revive the normalization agenda and use the F-35 as an incentive — a move reminiscent of how the United Arab Emirates secured its own F-35 deal in 2020 under Trump’s first term, though it was later delayed under the Biden administration.
“Trump sees this as both a strategic and symbolic win,” said a Washington-based Middle East analyst. “He can strengthen U.S. defense ties, reaffirm the Abraham Accords legacy, and pull Saudi Arabia further away from Russian and Chinese influence — all in one stroke.”
The Royal Saudi Air Force (RSAF) is already among the most advanced in the Arab world, fielding a mix of F-15SA/ SR Strike Eagles, Eurofighter Typhoons, and Panavia Tornado aircraft. Yet, Riyadh has been eager to modernize further amid rising tensions with Iran and the proliferation of drone and missile technologies among non-state actors in the region.
Earlier reports suggested Saudi Arabia had been in talks with Turkey to acquire up to 100 KAAN fifth-generation fighters, alongside its purchase of the Akinci unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs) in 2024. However, if Washington approves the F-35 sale, analysts believe Riyadh would abandon the Turkish option entirely.
“Saudi defense planning is pragmatic,” said a Gulf-based defense expert. “The F-35 is a proven platform with a global support network, while the KAAN remains in development. The choice would be clear once the Pentagon green-lights the sale.”
Israel remains the only Middle Eastern nation operating the F-35, locally designated as the F-35I “Adir.” It possesses 75 of the aircraft and has employed them in combat operations against Iranian assets across Syria and, according to multiple reports, inside Iran itself.
Any U.S. arms transfer to other regional powers must uphold Israel’s QME — a policy enshrined in U.S. law. As such, the potential Saudi deal has triggered quiet unease within Israeli defense circles.
The Jerusalem Post recently warned that Saudi Arabia’s parallel ties with Russia, China, and even Iran could pose risks if the stealth technology were compromised. “If Riyadh gets the F-35 and shares the technology with Russia, China, or Iran, Israel’s qualitative edge over Tehran could be compromised,” the article stated.
Unnamed Israeli officials told the news outlet Walla earlier this year that if the U.S. approved the Saudi sale, Israel would need to reconsider its regional strategy, though they stopped short of specifying what that would entail.
To maintain Israel’s advantage, Washington could reportedly deliver downgraded F-35s to Saudi Arabia — possibly without the Block 4 software upgrade or certain electronic warfare capabilities. However, such a compromise could make the deal less appealing to the Saudis, who seek parity with other global operators.
One possible workaround, experts say, could involve arming Israel with the next-generation F-47 stealth fighter, a sixth-generation aircraft currently under limited production. Trump has previously hinted at exporting a “toned-down variant” of the F-47 to select allies, which could serve as a counterbalance if the F-35s are sold to Riyadh.
This approach would allow the U.S. to preserve Israel’s technological superiority while still strengthening Saudi Arabia’s defenses — and keeping both allies aligned under Washington’s security umbrella.
Despite the apparent momentum, the proposed sale faces potential resistance in Congress, which has previously scrutinized arms transfers to Saudi Arabia.
The 2018 assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul led to bipartisan outrage, prompting several lawmakers to block or delay weapons exports to Riyadh. Additionally, human rights groups have repeatedly condemned Saudi air operations in Yemen, accusing the kingdom of causing large-scale civilian casualties.
While Trump has generally brushed off such concerns, members of Congress may demand strict end-use monitoring and assurances that the aircraft will not be used in Yemen or against civilian targets.
Should Washington ultimately balk at approving the sale, Riyadh retains several European alternatives. Germany recently lifted its export veto on Eurofighter Typhoon sales to Saudi Arabia, which would allow for the expansion of the RSAF’s existing fleet.
Alternatively, France has aggressively marketed its Dassault Rafale fighter — already in service with the UAE and Qatar — to diversify Riyadh’s procurement sources and reduce dependence on U.S. systems.
“Saudi Arabia wants strategic autonomy,” said a Paris-based defense consultant. “It doesn’t want to be overly reliant on any one supplier, whether it’s Washington or Ankara. But the F-35 is still the crown jewel of modern aviation — nothing else quite matches it.”
If finalized, the deal would reshape the strategic balance in the Middle East. The entry of the F-35 into Saudi service would not only bolster deterrence against Iran but also reinforce U.S.-Saudi defense cooperation, at a time when Beijing and Moscow are seeking to deepen their footholds in the Gulf.
Moreover, it could accelerate an informal Arab-Israeli defense alignment, effectively extending the logic of the Abraham Accords to include Riyadh — albeit through a transactional defense partnership rather than a formal treaty.
For now, the F-35 sale remains under review, and much will depend on the upcoming Trump–MBS meeting in Washington. The visit is expected to finalize several defense and investment agreements and could mark a turning point in U.S.-Saudi relations.
If the deal proceeds, it will symbolize not only a new chapter in U.S.-Saudi military cooperation but also the return of high-stakes transactional diplomacy that defined Trump’s first term.
Should it falter, Riyadh may once again pivot east — toward Turkey’s KAAN, Europe’s Rafale, or even China’s J-35 — signaling a deepening fragmentation in global defense alignments.
The Saudi quest for the F-35 becomes a milestone of American diplomacy — or another missed opportunity in the shifting sands of the Middle East.
