In a dramatic escalation of its strategic outreach to India, Moscow has proposed one of its most sweeping defence offers in decades: full licensed production of the Su-57E fifth-generation stealth fighter in India, complete technology transfer, and even the development of a two-seat variant tailored for Indian requirements. The proposal arrives just days before President Vladimir Putin’s scheduled visit to New Delhi in early December 2025, signaling Russia’s determination to cement defence ties amid intensifying geopolitical competition across Asia.
Russian Ambassador to India Denis Alipov confirmed the scale of the offer in an interview, stressing that “intensive work is underway across a range of areas, including the Su-57E platform, which can be utilised to implement India’s programme for developing its own fifth-generation fighter.”
Alipov described military-technical cooperation as one of the “pillars of the special, privileged strategic partnership” between the two nations, pointing to India’s longstanding reliance on Russian-origin equipment. “Sixty to seventy percent of the country’s armed forces are equipped with Soviet- and Russian-designed systems, which have proven themselves effective in real combat situations,” he said.
The ambassador framed Moscow’s “competitive advantage” as its willingness to allow deep technology transfer, local assembly, and co-development — key components of India’s Make in India and Atmanirbhar Bharat (Self-Reliant India) defence programs.
A senior Rosoboronexport official, speaking in Dubai, said India could start by acquiring Russian-built Su-57E jets before transitioning production to India with “unrestricted technology transfer.” This includes the transfer of full fifth-generation ecosystems: avionics, stealth materials, sensors, artificial intelligence systems, and the crucial next-generation engines.
Russia is also offering training in advanced air weapons, AESA radar, low observability technologies, aerodynamics, and even air-launched drone integration — all of which would help accelerate India’s indigenous fifth-generation project, the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA).
Despite growing Russian enthusiasm, the Indian Air Force (IAF) has not confirmed interest in purchasing the Su-57E. In September 2025, it submitted a proposal to acquire 114 Rafale fighter jets, reinforcing the perception that the French platform remains the frontrunner.
However, India’s current threat environment is exerting new pressure. The IAF today operates just 29 fighter squadrons, far below the authorised 42 needed to counter simultaneous threats from China and Pakistan. Meanwhile, China has operationalised two fifth-generation fighters — the J-20 and J-35A — and begun test flights of sixth-generation prototypes (J-36 and J-50). Pakistan is reportedly closing in on a deal to acquire 40 J-35A stealth fighters from Beijing.
Against this backdrop, Russia is betting that New Delhi may reconsider the Su-57 offer because the AMCA is unlikely to enter service before the mid-2030s. Even IAF chief Air Marshal A.P. Singh recently acknowledged: “We may have to go in for off-the-shelf purchases with indigenous content until AMCA is developed — or develop AMCA at a faster pace.”
Russia’s proposal also revives a long-abandoned joint project: the Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) programme, which envisioned a two-seat Indian variant of the Su-57. India withdrew from FGFA in 2018, citing concerns about the aircraft’s maturity, stealth performance, and the absence of supercruise capability.
Yet New Delhi never closed the door entirely. Former defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman said in 2018 that India could purchase the aircraft later, while former air chief B.S. Dhanoa noted in 2019 that a final decision would depend on the Su-57’s performance in combat and demonstrations in India.
Since then, Russia has employed the Su-57 in Syria and, to a limited degree, in Ukraine. Reports in Russian media claim the aircraft performed effectively in long-range missile strikes and electronic warfare roles.
Crucially, Russia is now testing the Izdeliye 30 second-stage engine, which reportedly provides much-improved supercruise capability — one of the IAF’s earlier sticking points.
Military aviation specialist Angad Singh argues that many initial concerns “are now being addressed,” including range, engine performance, and sensor integration.
A two-seat variant — which Russia has hinted it can develop for India — could offer significant advantages:
Enhanced mission management: The second crew member can operate EW suites, drone controls, and data-fusion systems.
Loyal wingman control: India’s future unmanned systems would need command nodes in the sky.
Easier pilot training: Complex fifth-generation systems become easier to master.
Airborne command capability: Similar to how China envisions its two-seat J-20S, the world’s first twin-seat stealth aircraft.
Chinese analysts have claimed the extra crew member on the J-20S functions as a “combat formation commander,” likening it to a playmaking No. 10 midfielder in football — a model India may find attractive.
While some Indian strategic analysts argue that the Su-57 is a necessary stopgap until AMCA arrives, others warn that accepting Moscow’s offer could derail India’s indigenous program.
Several experts caution that:
Russia may not fully transfer critical technologies, despite verbal assurances.
India’s commitment and funding may drift away from AMCA if large-scale Su-57 production begins.
Operational and industrial focus could become split, slowing long-term self-reliance.
Retired Air Marshal Anil Chopra told EurAsian Times that India should “buy 2–3 squadrons of the Su-57E, if necessary, and focus entirely on the AMCA,” while pressuring Russia for selective critical technologies — but avoiding deep local production of the Su-57.
He warned that once India signs a large industrial agreement, “there wouldn’t be much to do about it” if promised technologies don’t materialise.
Other analysts counter that production lines for Su-57 and AMCA would be separately managed — HAL for the former, a private-sector SPV for the latter — minimising overlap.
With the F-35 unavailable and China’s J-35A politically impossible for India, the Su-57 is the only exportable fifth-generation stealth fighter India could realistically acquire.
Russian defence conglomerate Rostec’s CEO Sergey Chemezov recently emphasised the depth of the two nations’ defence history: “Even when India was under sanctions, we supplied the country with weapons to ensure its security… Today, we continue the same approach, supplying India with whatever military equipment it needs.”
For Moscow, India represents both a crucial defence partner and a lucrative export market at a time when Western sanctions limit Russia’s global outreach.
With President Putin set to arrive in New Delhi within days, the Su-57 proposal is expected to feature prominently in bilateral discussions. India’s response will hinge on a delicate balance between:
urgent operational needs,
long-term strategic autonomy,
the pace of AMCA development, and
the credibility of Russia’s technology-transfer promises.
The stakes are high. Accepting Russia’s offer could immediately boost India’s airpower and deliver critical fifth-generation technologies. Rejecting it could prioritise indigenous innovation at the risk of a widening capability gap with China.
As the geopolitical landscape shifts rapidly — especially after India’s war with Pakistan and China’s accelerating stealth aircraft programs — New Delhi faces one of its most consequential military aviation decisions in a generation.
