
In the latest military skirmish between India and Pakistan, the narrative has largely focused on battlefield maneuvers, airspace violations, and diplomatic tensions. However, beneath the public radar, a quiet but decisive dimension of the conflict was being played out in the skies above: the race for supremacy in space-based Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR).
China, long known to be Pakistan’s staunch ally, lent more than just weaponry this time. It provided Islamabad with crucial space-based ISR support, significantly altering the dynamics of the confrontation. India, recognizing the gravity of this new warfront, responded by deploying its limited but evolving space resources, marking a pivotal moment in South Asia’s military doctrine.
While it is no secret that China provides Pakistan with military hardware, from fighter jets to advanced missile systems, less discussed is the role of Chinese satellites in bolstering Islamabad’s battlefield awareness. According to informed sources, Chinese satellites, particularly from the Yaogan series, played a pivotal role in tracking Indian troop and aircraft movements, providing near-real-time intelligence that could have contributed to the downing of Indian fighter jets. These satellites, despite limitations in bandwidth and resolution, offered critical situational awareness that Pakistan’s indigenous capabilities could not match.
“We pulled all the resources (civilian and military space assets) and gave them to the armed forces. We were virtually looking at each other all the time,” said a high-level Indian source familiar with the matter. “We had gaps, but we were much better prepared this time.”
China’s space architecture is formidable. With a constellation estimated at over 5,330 satellites—a mix of commercial, scientific, and military platforms—Beijing has developed a layered infrastructure that combines Low Earth Orbit (LEO), Medium Earth Orbit (MEO), and Geostationary Orbit (GEO) capabilities. The Yaogan series, including the recently launched Yaogan-41, has particularly expanded China’s ISR footprint across the Indo-Pacific. Yaogan-41, launched into GEO in December 2023, provides continuous coverage of vast maritime zones and key territories, including Taiwan, the South China Sea, and the Indian subcontinent.
Officially touted as a civilian satellite for environmental monitoring and disaster management, Yaogan-41 is widely believed by Western analysts to serve dual-use purposes, offering high-resolution optical imaging capable of tracking vehicles and aircraft. The satellite’s position in GEO allows it to maintain an unblinking eye over critical theaters, including Indian and Pakistani airspace.
India, in contrast, has a comparatively modest presence in space with around 218 satellites. Most are commercial or scientific, with only a limited number explicitly designated for military purposes. Still, the recent confrontation served as a wake-up call. India, long cautious about militarizing its space assets, is now racing to catch up. It plans to establish a constellation of 52 dedicated satellites within the next five years to bolster its ISR, communication, and navigation capabilities.
However, this ambition recently encountered a hiccup. On January 29, 2025, ISRO’s GSLV-Mk 2 rocket carried the NVS-02 satellite into space—a critical component of India’s Navigation with Indian Constellation (NavIC) system. Unfortunately, onboard thruster malfunctions prevented the satellite from reaching its intended orbit. While the mission marked ISRO’s 100th launch, the technical failure underscored the challenges India faces in rapidly scaling its military space infrastructure.
India’s realization of space as a strategic domain dates back to the 1999 Kargil conflict when U.S. denial of GPS data hindered Indian operations. That episode planted the seeds for indigenous navigation systems like NavIC. Still, the pace of development has been uneven. The establishment of the Defense Space Agency in 2019, and its eventual transformation into a full-fledged Space Command, marks a significant institutional shift.
Air Chief Marshal-led plans now envisage over 100 military satellites by 2032, with increasing involvement from the private sector. The Indian Air Force is also transitioning from the Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS) to the Integrated Air and Space Command and Control System (IASCCS), reflecting a growing focus on space.
India’s premier ISR platforms, like EMISAT and Kautilya, offer some muscle to its orbital arsenal. Kautilya, an indigenously developed Electronic Intelligence (ELINT) satellite, helps detect and locate enemy radar installations by capturing electromagnetic emissions. EMISAT, meanwhile, has been deployed to monitor the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) positions in occupied Tibet.
India also launched an ELINT satellite in 2019 that proved its worth by surveilling PLA movements near Arunachal Pradesh. But experts point out a crucial gap: while China deploys ELINT satellites in triplets for precise triangulation, India currently lacks that kind of configuration.
The recent addition of spy satellites developed by Tata Advanced Systems Ltd (TASL), launched in April 2024, marks another turning point. These satellites operate from 500 km altitude and are capable of detecting troop and missile movements, providing actionable intelligence during conflicts.
Experts like Colonel Vinayak Bhatt, a retired Indian Army officer and seasoned imagery analyst, have emphasized the importance of AI-assisted Earth Observation (EO) systems. “We need more EO satellites with higher temporal resolution, more data downloading stations, and more image analysts,” Bhatt remarked. “AI-assisted satellites could give us the edge we desperately need.”
EO satellites, especially those used for military purposes, play a key role in surveillance, reconnaissance, and even targeting. India has been steadily increasing its fleet of Radar Imaging Satellites (RISAT), going from 12 in 2019 to 16 by 2025. These include RISAT-2B and RISAT-2BR1, both of which offer high-resolution imaging crucial for counter-terrorism and border surveillance operations.
China’s Beidou-3, completed in 2020, is a cornerstone of its strategic autonomy. With 35 satellites, it provides global navigation and timing services that are independent of the U.S. GPS. More importantly, Beidou integrates seamlessly with China’s military systems, enhancing targeting precision and operational resilience. In contrast, India’s NavIC remains regionally focused and is still grappling with deployment challenges, as illustrated by the NVS-02 failure.
Nevertheless, NavIC is strategically vital for India. It ensures autonomy over critical navigation services, particularly in times of conflict when foreign systems might be denied or degraded. Future upgrades aim to expand its coverage beyond South Asia and integrate it more deeply into military command and control structures.
India’s space journey is entering a critical phase. While China’s head start gives it significant leverage in space-based warfare, India is rapidly building its capabilities. The government’s push to engage the private sector, shorten satellite launch cycles, and prioritize military-grade ISR platforms is a step in the right direction.
India’s long-term plans include launching more EO and ELINT satellites, expanding the RISAT series, and enhancing the capabilities of NavIC. The Indian Air Force and other military branches are increasingly integrating space data into their operational workflows, a marked change from a few years ago when such data was limited and mostly reactive.
The recent India-Pakistan conflict, with China’s silent but significant involvement, has brought space-based warfare from science fiction to a pressing strategic reality for South Asia. With ISR emerging as a crucial determinant of modern military engagements, the space domain is no longer a luxury but a necessity.
China’s constellation of satellites has given it a decisive edge in providing battlefield awareness not just to its own forces, but also to its allies. India, while behind, is catching up with a multi-pronged approach involving indigenous innovation, institutional reforms, and private sector involvement.
The battle for dominance in space is not just about technology; it is about shaping the very future of warfare. As India scrambles to fill its capability gaps, the next few years will be decisive in determining whether it can counter China’s orbital overmatch or continue playing catch-up in the most strategic frontier: outer space.