Peru’s decision to abandon the Saab Gripen E in favour of the Lockheed Martin F-16 Block 70 represents one of the most consequential fighter procurement reversals in modern Latin American defence history. What began as a technically grounded, cost-conscious modernisation plan has evolved into a geopolitical realignment shaped by political collapse in Lima, strategic recalibration within the Fuerza Aérea del Perú (FAP), and intensifying diplomatic pressure from Washington.
The reversal followed the impeachment and removal of President Dina Boluarte, whose administration had formally endorsed the Gripen E as the most cost-effective and operationally suitable solution for Peru’s ageing fighter fleet. Under an interim leadership eager to stabilise relations with the United States and secure external political support, the fighter programme was reopened, reframed, and ultimately transformed into a strategic statement of alignment with Washington.
“The Gripen E was apparently selected over the American F-16 Block 70 and French Rafale F4 due to offering a lower unit cost, a shorter delivery schedule, and more favourable offset arrangements,” one defence assessment noted at the time. That logic initially anchored Lima’s procurement strategy. Political turbulence, however, would upend it entirely.
Despite Sweden’s US$3.5 billion proposal for 24 Gripen aircraft, Peru has now opted for a projected US$7 billion F-16 Block 70 package, prioritising interoperability, strategic alignment, and U.S. security guarantees over fiscal restraint. The resulting decision underscores how fighter procurement in the contemporary security environment is increasingly driven by alliance politics rather than pure performance metrics or lifecycle cost efficiency.
U.S. diplomatic engagement intensified rapidly after Boluarte’s removal. According to defence and political sources, Washington quietly linked access to defence financing mechanisms, long-term sustainment assurances, and enhanced security cooperation to Peru’s prospective elevation as a Major Non-NATO Ally. This recalibrated Lima’s cost-benefit analysis almost overnight.
“The impeachment opened the door for Washington to recalibrate Lima’s alliances,” one political analyst observed, capturing how a procurement process that had once been technocratic became geopolitical. The fighter competition ceased to be about replacing aircraft efficiently and instead became a referendum on Peru’s strategic orientation.
For the FAP, the F-16 decision represents the most ambitious modernisation effort in decades. The Block 70 configuration promises cutting-edge AESA radars, NATO-standard datalinks, and access to U.S. precision-guided munitions. At the same time, it exposes Peru to unprecedented fiscal, political, and strategic dependencies on U.S. supply chains, mission data environments, and sustainment frameworks.
As Peru confronts transnational narcotics networks, maritime security challenges along its 1,400-mile Pacific coastline, and persistent instability along its Amazonian borders, the F-16 acquisition signals a decisive shift in how Lima intends to project airpower and anchor its national security—firmly within a U.S.-centric defence architecture.
The procurement pivot also signals a deeper doctrinal shift within Peru’s defence establishment. Platform selection is now increasingly shaped by alliance politics, access to U.S.-controlled intelligence and mission data ecosystems, and integration into American-led ISR architectures. Traditional considerations—such as acquisition cost, operating expense, and industrial offsets—have been subordinated to the imperatives of strategic alignment.
Taken together, the Gripen reversal and F-16 Block 70 selection illustrate how Peru’s fighter modernisation has become an instrument of geopolitical signalling. The decision embeds the FAP more deeply within Washington’s hemispheric security framework while narrowing Lima’s future room for manoeuvre in defence diplomacy, supplier diversification, and sovereign capability development.
The Fuerza Aérea del Perú’s operational history reflects nearly a century of fluctuating geopolitical alignments and conflict-driven necessity. Established as the Cuerpo de Aviación del Perú in 1929 and reconstituted as an independent air force in 1950, the FAP has repeatedly adapted its procurement strategy to shifting political realities.
In the post-Second World War period, Peru aligned closely with Western suppliers, fielding aircraft such as the Hawker Hunter and North American F-86 Sabre. This orientation shifted dramatically in the 1970s under General Juan Velasco Alvarado’s left-leaning military government, which redirected procurement toward Soviet platforms, including the MiG-21 and Sukhoi Su-22.
That Cold War pivot deepened in the 1980s and 1990s with the acquisition of MiG-29 fighters and French-built Mirage 2000s. These aircraft played decisive roles during the 1995 Cenepa War against Ecuador, where the FAP demonstrated an ability to conduct effective strike and air superiority operations under austere conditions.
Today, however, the FAP’s fighter inventory has become fragmented and increasingly obsolete. Average airframe ages exceed 20 years, and operational readiness has been constrained by spare-parts shortages affecting Russian-origin systems—an issue exacerbated by international sanctions.
The Mirage 2000 fleet has dwindled to a handful of airworthy aircraft, while the MiG-29s face growing irrelevance in an era dominated by network-centric warfare, advanced electronic attack, and long-range precision-guided munitions. Although Peru continues to rely on C-130 transport aircraft and Mi-17 helicopters for counter-insurgency, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief, the absence of a credible multirole fighter force has increasingly undermined deterrence.
This capability gap is strategically untenable given Peru’s extensive maritime domain, porous borders, and exposure to transnational criminal networks that exploit airspace vulnerabilities. Consequently, Lima launched a fighter replacement programme targeting 24–36 new aircraft, initially budgeted at US$2–3 billion, with an emphasis on affordability, rapid induction, and technology transfer.
On 2 July 2025, under President Boluarte’s administration, Peru formally selected the Saab Gripen E/F as the winner of its long-running competition. The decision committed Lima to acquiring 24 aircraft at a reported cost of US$3.5 billion.
The choice positioned Peru alongside Brazil and Colombia within an emerging regional Gripen ecosystem. Saab and its partners promised industrial participation through local assembly, maintenance, repair, and overhaul facilities, as well as integration into Embraer-linked supply chains.
From a technical standpoint, the Gripen E offered a compelling package: lower unit costs estimated at US$110–120 million, reduced operating expenses, and a delivery schedule aligned with the FAP’s urgent needs. Operationally, its advanced electronic warfare suite, infrared search-and-track system, and compatibility with the Meteor beyond-visual-range missile provided a credible first-shot capability.
Strategically, the Gripen reflected Lima’s desire to diversify defence partnerships, reduce reliance on U.S. systems, and preserve sovereign control over mission data. It also aligned with Peru’s fiscal realities, enabling comprehensive fleet renewal without imposing excessive strain on public finances.
Despite its coherence, the Gripen decision proved politically fragile. In October 2025, Peru’s chronic political instability reached a critical inflection point when President Boluarte was impeached and removed from office amid corruption allegations and mass protests.
Her ouster—on grounds of “permanent moral incapacity”—marked the eighth presidential turnover since 2016 and reinforced perceptions of institutional volatility. Interim President José Jerí immediately ordered reviews of major state contracts, with the Gripen agreement emerging as a prime target.
Critics argued the review was pretextual, noting that concerns over cost and Brazilian industrial ties were selectively amplified despite the F-16 Block 70’s far higher acquisition and lifecycle expenses. Nonetheless, the political momentum shifted decisively.
By January 2026, senior defence officials privately confirmed that the F-16 Block 70 had emerged as the preferred option, with a formal announcement delayed to avoid electoral fallout. The procurement had become a symbol of renewed alignment with Washington.
Peru’s revised acquisition centres on 24 F-16 Block 70/72 fighters, reportedly a mix of single-seat C and dual-seat D variants, supported by a comprehensive weapons and sustainment package. The estimated US$7 billion cost translates to roughly US$285 million per aircraft when training, spares, and infrastructure are included.
At the heart of the F-16’s appeal is the AN/APG-83 AESA radar, offering advanced multi-target tracking, high-resolution synthetic aperture mapping, and seamless integration with Link-16 datalinks. The package is expected to include AIM-120C-8 AMRAAM and AIM-9X missiles, significantly enhancing Peru’s air combat capabilities.
With more than 4,500 F-16s operated worldwide, the platform offers an unmatched global support ecosystem. Yet production backlogs—driven by demand from customers such as Taiwan—raise concerns about delivery timelines and interim capability gaps.
The decision to more than double Peru’s fighter acquisition budget places strain on an economy still recovering from pandemic shocks and prolonged political instability. U.S. financing mechanisms may offset some pressure, but long-term sustainment costs remain substantial.
Strategically, the move reinforces U.S. efforts to counter Chinese and Russian influence in South America. Peru’s departure from the Gripen ecosystem, however, risks fragmenting regional defence integration and distancing Lima from Brazil-led industrial initiatives.
Internal FAP deliberations reportedly concluded that the F-16 offered advantages “Sweden and France couldn’t match” in coalition operations and intelligence sharing. Jerí’s interim government has framed the decision as pragmatic, arguing that “alignment with the U.S. anchors our security” in an increasingly contested environment.
As Peru approaches national elections, the F-16 Block 70 programme stands as both a symbol of renewed strategic alignment and a lightning rod for debate. It reflects not only a choice of aircraft, but a redefinition of Peru’s defence identity—one that ties its airpower future firmly to Washington, with all the benefits and constraints that such alignment entails.
