Against the backdrop of Russia’s Red Square, where the weight of history hangs thick in the air, President Vladimir Putin vowed that Russia would triumph in Ukraine just as it did against Nazi Germany in World War II. Speaking during the annual Victory Day parade — the country’s most symbolic patriotic event — the Russian leader drew on the Soviet Union’s victory in 1945 to justify and energize the ongoing war effort, now in its third year.
“We are proud of their bravery and determination, of the fortitude that has always brought us only victory,” Putin said, referring to Russian troops fighting in Ukraine. “Russia has been and will remain an indestructible barrier against Nazism, Russophobia, and anti-Semitism.”
His words, delivered before a crowd of thousands and in the presence of Chinese President Xi Jinping and a North Korean delegation, were heavy with symbolism. Tanks rolled through the cobblestone square. Drones buzzed overhead. Soldiers — some just returned from the front — marched in unison. Putin, flanked by elite security forces, presented the spectacle not only as a celebration of past glories but as a rallying cry for present battles.
Since the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the Kremlin has consistently framed the conflict as a continuation of Russia’s historic role as the vanquisher of fascism. Moscow’s claim that it launched the so-called “special military operation” to “de-Nazify” Ukraine has been widely rejected by Kyiv, the West, and independent historians as propaganda without basis.
“This narrative is aimed at evoking deep-seated emotions among Russians,” said Tatiana Stanovaya, a political analyst with the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center. “Putin knows the memory of WWII is sacred in Russia. He’s leveraging that to frame the Ukraine war as a righteous cause.”
Indeed, the patriotic fervor of May 9 — a date celebrated annually as Victory Day in Russia — has grown more pronounced under Putin’s rule. What was once a day of somber remembrance for the 27 million Soviet lives lost in the war has become a grand military showcase and, increasingly, a political platform.
The timing of the parade is not incidental. Russia’s war in Ukraine has dragged on far longer than the Kremlin expected, with staggering casualties on both sides. Western estimates suggest over 350,000 Russian troops may have been killed or wounded, though Russia does not release official figures. Ukraine, too, has suffered enormously, with cities destroyed and its military constantly fighting to retain ground and support from allies.
As Putin stood with Xi and watched thousands of troops march past, state media emphasized that at least 1,500 of the participants had served in Ukraine. The military hardware on display included cutting-edge attack drones and new-generation tanks — a clear message to Russia’s enemies and a reassurance to its citizens.
“Russia! Russia!” chanted the crowd, many waving flags, as Putin made his way through the square.
Security was tight. Snipers perched atop the GUM luxury shopping center. Mobile internet was blocked across central Moscow. The paranoia was not unfounded: just days before, Ukraine had launched drone attacks on the capital, forcing temporary airport closures. On parade day, however, no major incidents were reported in Moscow.
The presence of Chinese and North Korean military officials at the parade — including heavily decorated North Korean commanders who, according to Russian claims, aided in operations in the western Kursk region — speaks volumes about the Kremlin’s geopolitical strategy.
Putin and Xi held formal talks a day before the parade, reaffirming the growing ties between Moscow and Beijing in defiance of Western pressure. While China has not provided Russia with direct military support, it has become a crucial economic partner amid sanctions. The parade was a calculated move by Putin to showcase this alliance to both his domestic audience and the world.
“China’s participation in this event is significant,” said Alexander Gabuev, director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center. “It signals to the West that Russia is not isolated — at least not entirely.”
North Korea, long a pariah state, has reportedly been supplying Russia with artillery shells and other munitions, according to Western intelligence agencies. While such claims are denied by Pyongyang and Moscow, the optics of warm greetings between Putin and North Korean commanders were hard to miss.
“All the best to you and all your troops,” Putin told the visiting North Koreans after the procession.
Victory Day comes as domestic repression in Russia reaches new heights. Since the war began, the Kremlin has banned nearly all public dissent. Independent media have been shuttered or forced into exile. Protests are met with brutal crackdowns, and the legal system has been weaponized to silence critics.
An estimated 900,000 Russians have left the country since February 2022, fleeing conscription, censorship, and economic hardship. Those who remain are subject to an increasingly controlled information environment, with state television dominating the narrative.
Still, for some, the echoes of the past ring true. Olga Zhuravleva, a retired teacher whose father and grandfather fought in WWII, dismissed Western interpretations of history and war.
“When I hear Trump say America won the war, I think: nonsense,” she said. “The Soviet Union paid the heaviest price. We are the heirs of the victors.”
Her view is not uncommon in Russia, where World War II is a deeply personal and national experience. Under Putin, this legacy has been molded into a cornerstone of national identity — one that now justifies modern aggression.
As Moscow celebrated, Ukraine mourned. The Ukrainian government condemned the Victory Day events as “war propaganda” and said many of the soldiers marching through Red Square were “likely complicit” in war crimes against civilians.
“There is no connection between today’s parade and the victory over Nazism,” said Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Andriy Sybiga. “Putin may think he is a victor at the parade tribune, but in fact he is a criminal whose place is at the tribunal for the crime of aggression.”
Kyiv has accused Russia of violating a three-day ceasefire announced by Putin in honor of the holiday, saying shelling and drone strikes continued in several regions.
In Ukraine’s Lviv, EU foreign ministers held a symbolic summit in support of Ukraine. There, European leaders approved steps toward creating a special tribunal to prosecute Russia’s leadership for the invasion.
“There will be no impunity,” said EU diplomat Kaja Kallas. “There will be accountability for the crimes committed.”
Despite Putin’s confident tone and the elaborate pageantry, the future remains uncertain for Russia. The war in Ukraine is locked in a grinding stalemate. Sanctions continue to batter the Russian economy. Internal dissent simmers beneath the surface. And with growing talk in Europe of a “coalition of the willing” potentially deploying troops to enforce a future ceasefire, escalation is not out of the question.
Still, for now, Putin holds the upper hand domestically. Victory Day has once again served its purpose: unifying supporters, intimidating opponents, and projecting strength.
But how long the Kremlin can sustain this narrative remains unclear.
