Russia has become the first country to officially recognize the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan, marking a significant milestone in the Islamist group’s long campaign for international legitimacy. China promptly welcomed Moscow’s decision, calling for further global engagement with Afghanistan and reaffirming its commitment to a policy of “friendship toward the Afghan people.”
China’s foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning emphasized Beijing’s longstanding diplomatic ties with Kabul, underscoring that relations had “never been interrupted”, even during times of significant international turbulence following the Taliban’s return to power in 2021. “Afghanistan should not be excluded from the international community,” Mao stated on Friday, signaling Beijing’s willingness to deepen ties without formal recognition.
Russia’s unprecedented diplomatic shift and China’s public endorsement of engagement with the Taliban could reshape regional alliances, alter the dynamics of global diplomacy, and challenge Western influence over Afghan policy.
The announcement came after a high-level meeting in Kabul between Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi, and Russia’s Ambassador Dmitry Zhirnov. Declaring it a “brave decision,” Muttaqi hailed Russia’s recognition as the beginning of a new era.
“Russia is the first country that has officially recognized the Islamic Emirate,” said Zia Ahmad Takal, a spokesperson for the Taliban foreign ministry, using the group’s preferred name for its government.
Taliban leaders described the event as a historic turning point. “Now that the process of recognition has started, Russia was ahead of everyone,” Muttaqi said in a video posted on X (formerly Twitter), adding that this heralded a “new phase of positive relations, mutual respect, and constructive engagement.”
Russia’s Foreign Ministry emphasized the potential for bilateral cooperation across multiple sectors including energy, transportation, agriculture, and infrastructure. In a statement posted on Telegram, Moscow said it hoped to help Afghanistan bolster regional security and combat terrorism and drug trafficking.
Though Beijing has not formally recognized the Taliban government, its diplomatic relationship with Afghanistan remains robust. China hosts a Taliban ambassador in Beijing and has maintained diplomatic presence and communication since the group took control in August 2021.
“As a traditional friendly neighbor of Afghanistan,” said Mao Ning, “China welcomes Russia’s move and continues to advocate for Afghanistan’s reintegration into the international community.”
Beijing’s interest in Afghanistan is multi-dimensional. It seeks regional stability in its western Xinjiang region, where it fears Islamist militancy could spill over from Afghan soil. Economically, Afghanistan’s vast mineral wealth, including lithium, offers lucrative opportunities for Chinese investment under the Belt and Road Initiative.
Moreover, China is positioning itself as a regional power broker, capable of influencing outcomes in areas traditionally dominated by Western powers. By aligning with Russia’s decision, Beijing may be testing the waters for future recognition while avoiding the political fallout of an outright declaration.
The recognition by Russia breaks a two-decade taboo since the Taliban’s first regime (1996–2001), which was only recognized by three countries: Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Since the 2021 return of the Taliban, no country had granted official recognition — despite many, including China, Russia, Pakistan, Iran, and Qatar, engaging in diplomatic interactions and even allowing Taliban-appointed ambassadors.
Now, with Russia stepping forward, the taboo is showing signs of erosion. The formal recognition grants the Taliban government an international legitimacy they have long craved, even as domestic repression continues unabated.
This recognition may encourage other countries—particularly those with adversarial relations with the West or a desire to assert independence in foreign policy—to follow suit. Central Asian neighbors, Turkey, and even Gulf states may be weighing the pros and cons of engagement in light of Moscow’s precedent.
Since returning to power, the Taliban have imposed a draconian version of Islamic law, rolling back decades of progress, especially in the realms of women’s rights and education.
Girls have been banned from secondary and university education, women have been pushed out of public life, and public punishments—including floggings—have returned. Senior Taliban leaders remain under United Nations and Western sanctions, and Afghanistan’s economy is in crisis, exacerbated by the freezing of Afghan central bank assets abroad and the cut-off of international aid.
Western nations have consistently conditioned recognition and financial engagement on improvements in human rights, especially the rights of women and girls. Russia’s move, therefore, represents a clear break from this stance, placing geopolitical interests above human rights concerns.
News of the recognition was met with dismay by Afghan women’s rights activists and members of the exiled political community.
“This legitimizes a regime that bans girls from education, enforces public floggings, and shelters UN-sanctioned terrorists,” said Mariam Solaimankhil, a former member of Afghanistan’s parliament. “The move signals that strategic interests will always outweigh human rights and international law.”
Fawzia Koofi, another former MP and peace negotiator, warned that recognition without conditions would “legitimize impunity” and risk not only the safety of Afghan citizens but also global security.
International NGOs, too, criticized the development, stating that such recognition, absent accountability, would only deepen the suffering of ordinary Afghans while empowering an authoritarian regime.
Russia’s recognition of the Taliban is especially symbolic given the shared—and painful—history between the two countries. The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, triggering a brutal decade-long war that led to the deaths of up to two million Afghans and the eventual Soviet withdrawal in 1989.
Three decades later, the dynamics have reversed. Now, Russia sees Afghanistan not as a battleground, but as a partner—one that could help it expand influence in Central and South Asia and provide new trade routes and security cooperation in the face of Western sanctions over the Ukraine war.
Russia has already taken steps to normalize relations. In April 2025, Moscow removed the Taliban from its list of banned terrorist organizations and in July 2024, President Vladimir Putin described the Taliban as “allies in the fight against terrorism”—a marked departure from the narrative of the early 2000s.
The Taliban’s diplomatic breakthrough with Russia, and by extension its warming ties with China, harken back to the “Great Game” of the 19th century, when imperial powers vied for influence in Central Asia.
Today, with the United States and its NATO allies largely out of the picture following the chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, a new geopolitical contest is emerging. Russia and China, leveraging their shared anti-Western stance and regional proximity, are filling the vacuum left behind.
Russia seeks to secure its southern flank, protect its Central Asian allies from Islamist infiltration, and open new trade corridors. China, for its part, is looking for economic opportunity, security assurance, and a broader role in shaping global governance.
In this context, Afghanistan becomes less a pariah state and more a pivot point in a shifting world order.
Russia’s decision may not prompt an immediate cascade of recognitions, but it undeniably shifts the diplomatic landscape. It forces governments—particularly in the region—to reconsider their own policies and weighs heavily on multilateral forums like the United Nations, where formal recognition of the Taliban remains a contentious issue.
Pakistan, Iran, and several Central Asian republics may eventually follow suit, albeit cautiously. Gulf nations, particularly the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which had recognized the Taliban in the 1990s, are keeping close watch.
India, which has historically opposed Taliban rule due to security concerns and its support for insurgents in Kashmir, will likely continue its policy of cautious engagement without recognition. The West, meanwhile, remains largely on the sidelines, constrained by domestic political concerns, legal barriers, and principled opposition to the Taliban’s human rights record.
Russia’s formal recognition of the Taliban government, and China’s immediate endorsement of continued engagement, represent a critical moment in Afghanistan’s modern history. It could be the beginning of a long-sought shift in the Taliban’s international fortunes, or it could deepen existing divides between East and West over how to deal with regimes that defy liberal norms.
The Taliban, for now, have gained more than symbolic victory. They have secured the backing of two of the world’s most powerful countries—and in doing so, have edged closer to rejoining the international community on their own terms, not those dictated by Washington or Brussels.
