India may be poised to make a crucial strategic decision to maintain its aerial superiority. Amid unconfirmed but increasingly credible reports of Pakistan potentially inducting two squadrons of China’s fifth-generation J-35 fighter jets by the end of 2025, a prominent voice from India’s defense establishment has called for a countermeasure. Air Marshal Sanjeev Kapoor (Retd.), a respected former officer of the Indian Air Force (IAF), has publicly advocated for the acquisition of Russia’s Su-57E stealth fighters as a stopgap measure until India’s indigenous fifth-generation fighter, the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), becomes operational.
“With reports of Pakistan acquiring two squadrons of J-35s from China by year-end, procuring 2 to 3 squadrons of Su-57E from Russia could be an interim option for us bridging the gap until AMCA is operational,” Kapoor posted on the social media platform X. His statement has sparked a fresh wave of discussion among strategic analysts, defense commentators, and policymakers.
The J-35, also known as the FC-31 Gyrfalcon, represents China’s ambitious entry into the elite circle of fifth-generation fighter jet developers. While the aircraft is still under development, it is expected to feature stealth characteristics, cutting-edge avionics, and multirole combat versatility. If delivered as speculated, it would mark a significant technological leap for the Pakistan Air Force (PAF), which already operates a fleet of JF-17 Thunder fighters, a jointly developed platform with China.
Assuming standard squadron strength, the induction of two squadrons of J-35s would mean an addition of 24 to 36 stealth fighters to the PAF, a development that could potentially tilt the regional air balance. The timing of such an acquisition coincides with broader Chinese ambitions to assert technological dominance in military aviation, further underscored by the development of a naval variant of the J-35 for use on China’s aircraft carriers.
While India’s Air Force boasts a varied and potent fleet that includes the French Rafale, Russian Su-30 MKI, and upgraded MiG-29s, it currently lacks an operational fifth-generation platform. Although these fourth-generation fighters are capable in their own right, they fall short of the stealth, sensor fusion, and network-centric warfare capabilities that define fifth-generation systems.
India’s AMCA project, spearheaded by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA), promises to fill this void. Designed to be a true fifth-generation fighter, the AMCA is expected to include advanced stealth technologies, supercruise capabilities, and AI-integrated avionics. However, the timeline for its induction remains uncertain, with most projections indicating that the aircraft will not enter service until the mid-2030s.
This leaves a potentially critical capability gap in the coming decade—a gap that the Su-57E could help bridge.
The Su-57E is the export version of the Su-57 “Felon,” Russia’s first fifth-generation fighter. The aircraft includes features such as active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar, supercruise, thrust vectoring, internal weapons bays, and a high degree of automation. Though its stealth capabilities are debated when compared to the U.S. F-22 or F-35, the Su-57E is widely acknowledged as a formidable aircraft with significant combat potential.
India’s existing defense ties with Russia, particularly its fleet of Su-30 MKIs developed under licensed production, create a pathway for relatively seamless integration of the Su-57E into the IAF. Air Marshal Kapoor’s suggestion taps into this long-standing relationship, positing that the aircraft could serve as a technologically relevant interim solution while India continues to develop and eventually deploy the AMCA.
However, India’s past experience with Russia in fifth-generation fighter development introduces a degree of caution. The Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) program, a joint initiative based on the Su-57 platform, ended in 2018 when India withdrew citing concerns over cost, lack of stealth performance, and limited technology transfer.
This history complicates the renewed consideration of the Su-57E, even as an interim solution. It raises questions about whether the Russian aircraft has addressed the earlier deficiencies identified by Indian evaluators. It also spotlights the larger issue of whether India can rely on foreign systems to bridge critical capability gaps without compromising on operational sovereignty or technological autonomy.
Adding another layer of complexity is the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), a U.S. law that mandates sanctions on countries engaging in significant defense transactions with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India has already walked a tightrope on this front following its acquisition of the Russian S-400 missile system.
While the U.S. has so far refrained from penalizing India under CAATSA, a high-profile acquisition of the Su-57E could provoke renewed scrutiny. This would be particularly delicate given the strengthening strategic partnership between New Delhi and Washington, exemplified by growing defense cooperation, intelligence sharing, and joint military exercises.
Despite these challenges, the strategic logic behind Kapoor’s proposal remains compelling. If Pakistan indeed fields the J-35 within the next year or two, the IAF would find itself in an asymmetrical position. In such a scenario, relying solely on fourth-generation platforms could be risky, especially in a conflict where first-strike and electronic warfare capabilities could determine the outcome.
Air Marshal Kapoor’s suggestion is a classic example of realpolitik: a pragmatic step that prioritizes immediate security needs over long-term idealism. By acquiring the Su-57E, India could send a strong message of deterrence, signaling that it remains committed to maintaining a technological edge in the region.
The AMCA project remains central to India’s vision of strategic autonomy in defense technology. When complete, it is expected to be a world-class fighter jet, possibly incorporating sixth-generation features like optionally manned configurations and swarming UAV support. The project embodies India’s ambition to reduce dependence on foreign arms suppliers and position itself as a leader in aerospace innovation.
Yet, even its most optimistic timelines do not foresee operational deployment before 2035. In the interim, failing to address emerging threats could leave the IAF vulnerable, especially as regional rivals enhance their air power capabilities.
India now stands at a pivotal juncture in its military aviation journey. The potential acquisition of Pakistan’s J-35s has introduced a new variable in the regional security calculus, one that cannot be ignored. While the AMCA represents the future, the immediate future may necessitate a temporary but strategic compromise.
Whether India chooses to pursue the Su-57E or seek another interim solution, the coming months are likely to see intense deliberations within the highest levels of India’s defense and strategic communities. The stakes are high: ensuring that India’s air power remains not only relevant but dominant in a region where technological parity can shape the outcomes of both conflict and diplomacy.
