In a move poised to reignite geopolitical tensions in the Indian Ocean region, Sri Lanka has allowed the Chinese Navy training ship, Po Lang, to dock at its Colombo port. This development comes despite a 12-month moratorium on foreign research vessels that was imposed earlier this year due to security concerns raised by both India and the United States.
Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath clarified the rationale behind the government’s decision, explaining that the Po Lang is categorized as a “training vessel,” not a research craft. Herath emphasized that the moratorium on foreign research vessels remains in effect, and the approval for the Po Lang does not indicate a shift in policy.
Nevertheless, the docking of the Po Lang at Colombo port is expected to trigger fresh debates, particularly given the delicate strategic balance in the region. China’s increasing naval presence in the Indian Ocean has long been a source of concern for India and its allies, including the United States, due to the potential for military surveillance disguised as research activities.
The Sri Lankan government’s decision to permit the Po Lang’s docking comes months after a string of incidents involving Chinese vessels raised regional security alarms. In January 2024, Sri Lanka imposed a ban on foreign research ships following repeated requests from Chinese vessels, which many analysts and security experts believe were conducting surveillance operations under the guise of scientific research.
One of the most high-profile incidents occurred in August 2022, when the Chinese naval vessel Yuan Wang 5 docked at Sri Lanka’s Hambantota port. India expressed concerns, labeling the ship a “spy vessel,” due to its capability to track spacecraft and gather intelligence on military assets. Tensions escalated further in October 2024 when another Chinese research ship, Shi Yan 6, arrived at Colombo port to conduct geophysical research in collaboration with Sri Lanka’s National Aquatic Resources Research and Development Agency (NARA). The United States and India raised security concerns about the ship’s presence, fearing it could be part of China’s expanding surveillance network in the region.
In response to these growing apprehensions, Sri Lanka implemented a moratorium on foreign research vessels in January 2024, with exceptions granted only in specific cases. In line with this policy, the country denied entry to China’s Xiang Yang Hong 3 research ship, which later redirected to the Maldives.
Despite the current restrictions, Sri Lanka has signaled its intention to ease the moratorium in the future. In July 2024, Foreign Minister Ali Sabry announced during a visit to Japan that Sri Lanka would lift the ban on foreign research vessels starting in January 2025. He emphasized the importance of treating all countries fairly and not singling out China for restrictions. Sabry reiterated Sri Lanka’s neutral stance in regional disputes, stating, “We cannot apply different rules to different countries.”
This policy shift underscores the delicate balancing act Sri Lanka faces as it navigates its relationships with global powers. Situated at a crucial crossroads in the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka’s ports are of immense strategic value, serving as a gateway for maritime traffic between Southeast Asia and West Asia. This positioning has made Sri Lanka a battleground for influence between India, China, and the United States.
The Po Lang’s visit is part of a broader voyage, which includes stops in Vietnam, Indonesia, Singapore, and Hong Kong. While the Sri Lankan Navy has announced that the crew of the Po Lang will engage in cultural exchanges and briefings about the ship’s operations during their stay, the political significance of the visit cannot be overlooked.
In August 2024, the concurrent docking of Indian and Chinese warships in Colombo highlighted Sri Lanka’s growing role as a pivotal player in the regional power struggle. India’s guided-missile destroyer, INS Mumbai, and China’s destroyer Hefei, along with amphibious landing ships Wuzhishan and Qilianshan, arrived in Colombo at the same time, bringing a combined crew of nearly 1,500 personnel. The strategic significance of this simultaneous naval presence underscored Sri Lanka’s increasing importance in regional maritime diplomacy.
Chinese warships, including those from its anti-piracy escort forces, have been spending more time in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) in recent years, which has raised concerns in New Delhi. Indian officials, wary of China’s growing influence, have kept a close eye on Chinese naval activities near their southern coastline.
At a press conference, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabry remarked, “The Americans are coming, the Indians are coming, and now the Chinese are coming. This means that Sri Lanka is important, and Colombo has become a hub once again.” His comments reflect Sri Lanka’s desire to position itself as a key player in the region without becoming embroiled in rivalries between major powers.
Sri Lanka’s decision to allow Chinese vessels to dock at its ports is particularly sensitive due to ongoing concerns about China’s intentions at Hambantota Port. China funded the construction of Hambantota Port through high-interest commercial loans, and in 2017, Sri Lanka leased the port to a Chinese state-owned company for 99 years, sparking fears of a potential military presence.
A study by AidData, a research lab at the College of William & Mary, suggested that China might be seeking to establish a naval base at Hambantota within the next two to five years. Although Sri Lankan officials have denied these claims, the prospect of a Chinese military foothold in the Indian Ocean remains a source of anxiety for India.
As part of a broader strategy to counter Chinese influence, India has made moves to strengthen its economic and military ties with Sri Lanka. In April 2024, Sri Lanka leased Hambantota Airport—a facility built with Chinese loans—to a consortium of Indian and Russian firms for 30 years. This development highlights Sri Lanka’s willingness to engage with multiple foreign powers as it seeks to reduce its dependency on China.
India, which views the Indian Ocean as its strategic backyard, remains deeply concerned about China’s expanding naval presence in the region. Chinese surveillance ships, research vessels, and warships have become a common sight in the waters surrounding Sri Lanka and the Maldives, prompting India to bolster its own naval capabilities and strengthen alliances with other regional players such as Japan, Australia, and the United States through initiatives like the Quad.
Compounding these concerns are reports that China is considering constructing a radar base at Dondra Bay, the southernmost point of Sri Lanka, which could monitor Indian naval activities and UK-US military installations on Diego Garcia. While Sri Lankan officials have dismissed these reports, the growing military cooperation between China and Sri Lanka adds a layer of complexity to the geopolitical landscape.
Research vessels, often equipped with sophisticated surveillance technology, can double as tools for naval reconnaissance, gathering intelligence on foreign military assets and vessels operating in the vicinity. The presence of Chinese vessels near India’s maritime borders has led to heightened vigilance in New Delhi, where officials worry about the implications for national security.
