
The Swedish Embassy in Bangkok has issued an unequivocal statement denying recent media reports that claim Sweden has suspended or frozen its planned sale of next-generation Gripen E/F fighter jets to Thailand. The statement comes at a time of heightened scrutiny and diplomatic tension, following the Royal Thai Air Force’s (RTAF) controversial deployment of Gripen C/D fighters in live military operations near the Cambodian border.
In a carefully crafted post on its official Facebook page, the Swedish Embassy addressed what it described as “rumours spreading at the moment regarding the purchase of Gripen fighter jets by the Royal Thai Air Force,” firmly stating:
“There has been no decision taken to suspend further Gripen sales to Thailand.”
This public clarification arrives amid swirling speculation triggered by reports that Sweden was reconsidering its arms exports to Thailand after the RTAF’s alleged precision airstrikes on Cambodian military positions. The embassy’s intervention reflects Stockholm’s intent to prevent a diplomatic rift and to reinforce its long-standing defence relationship with Thailand, one of its most prominent non-NATO defence partners in the Asia-Pacific region.
Tensions flared in late July when Thai media and international outlets began reporting on RTAF fighter activity near the Thai-Cambodian border. According to Air Marshal Prapas Sornchaidee, the RTAF’s official spokesperson, the Gripen C/D aircraft were deployed as part of a limited, proportionate military response to what Thai authorities described as “emerging threats to national security.”
“The airstrikes were launched only against legitimate military targets that posed imminent threats to Thailand’s national security,” Sornchaidee told the press.
He emphasized that the operations complied with international law and cited Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, which allows states to act in self-defence if an armed attack occurs against them. Thai officials claim the targeted positions in Cambodia were being used to stage rocket attacks and harbor artillery aimed at Thai installations along the frontier.
While the Cambodian government has yet to issue a formal response confirming or denying any casualties or damages, regional media have claimed that at least two BM-21 Grad rocket launcher systems and several ammunition depots were destroyed in the strikes.
Though the airstrikes were reportedly precise and carried out under strict rules of engagement, they have nevertheless cast a shadow over Sweden’s carefully regulated defence export policy.
Sweden’s Foreign Minister Maria Malmer Stenergard, when asked about the sale, stopped short of providing any explicit endorsement of Thailand’s request for additional Gripen jets.
“The government is closely monitoring developments in the border conflict,” she said, choosing her words with notable restraint.
Her statement was interpreted by some media outlets, such as Breaking Defense, as a possible signal that Sweden might reconsider or delay further sales pending a formal review by the Inspectorate of Strategic Products (ISP)—Sweden’s independent arms control agency.
Yet, the Swedish Embassy’s recent public statement attempts to neutralize such speculation, clarifying that no formal suspension or decision to freeze the ongoing Gripen procurement has been made. This distinction is critical, as any actual suspension would require concrete legal justification under Sweden’s stringent export laws, which demand thorough evaluations of the buyer nation’s use of military equipment in active conflicts.

The latest Gripen procurement by Thailand marks a significant step in the country’s long-term defence modernization effort. Under a 10-year plan outlined by the RTAF earlier this year, Bangkok aims to acquire four JAS-39E/F Gripen multirole fighters—comprising three single-seat E variants and one two-seat F variant—at a projected cost of 19.5 billion baht (approximately USD 596 million).
The contract signing, initially scheduled for August 2025, was expected to go ahead despite the geopolitical tensions, and the embassy’s statement has provided Bangkok with a degree of assurance that the deal remains on track.
Thailand was the first Asian country to operate the Gripen system, beginning in 2008 when it signed a USD 1.1 billion agreement for 12 Gripen C/D fighters and two Saab 340 AEW&C surveillance aircraft. These aircraft, based at RTAF Wing 7 in Surat Thani, form the nucleus of Thailand’s network-centric air defence structure.
After one Gripen C crashed during an airshow in 2017, ten Gripens remain in active service. Their performance and integration into Thailand’s air defence ecosystem have been consistently praised by the RTAF, which sees the aircraft as an ideal blend of affordability, flexibility, and technological sophistication.
The Gripen E/F variant represents a generational leap over the C/D models currently in Thai service. Designed to meet the demands of 21st-century warfare, the Gripen E boasts advanced sensors, weapons, and communication systems that allow it to operate effectively in both symmetric and asymmetric scenarios.
- Raven ES-05 AESA Radar: Built by Leonardo UK, this radar enables wide-angle target tracking and simultaneous engagement of more than 20 targets, including stealthy aircraft and long-range cruise missiles.
- Skyward-G IRST (Infrared Search and Track): A passive sensor that can detect enemy aircraft without revealing the fighter’s own position—vital for stealth engagements.
- MBDA Meteor BVR Missiles: With a range exceeding 200 km, this ramjet-powered missile offers an unmatched no-escape zone, ideal for long-range engagements.
- Low Operating Costs: The Gripen E costs around USD 4,700 per flight hour, far less than the F-16, Rafale, or F-35. This makes it economically sustainable for developing and middle-income countries.
- Multirole Payloads: Can carry everything from IRIS-T missiles to GBU-39 bombs, anti-ship missiles, and electronic warfare pods.
- Networked Warfare: Gripen functions as a command-and-control node, sharing real-time battlefield data with other platforms via NATO-compatible Link-16 and proprietary data links.
The RTAF has made clear that its move toward the Gripen E/F platform is not just about acquiring new jets—it is about creating a scalable, sovereign airpower infrastructure that can evolve alongside emerging threats in the Indo-Pacific region.
Sweden’s arms export regime is one of the most rigorous in Europe. All defence exports must be approved by the Inspectorate of Strategic Products, which considers factors such as human rights records, regional stability, and international law compliance.
In theory, any use of Swedish-supplied equipment in combat does trigger a review, particularly if the end-use violates non-escalation clauses or occurs in disputed areas. However, the reviews are not automatic suspensions. The final decision to halt or proceed with sales lies with the Swedish government, typically based on recommendations from ISP.
“It’s a balancing act,” said defense analyst Lars Östlund at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).
“Sweden wants to uphold its reputation as a responsible arms exporter, but it also must protect its strategic industrial interests, especially in growth markets like Southeast Asia.”
The Swedish government is therefore walking a fine line—balancing its regulatory responsibilities with geopolitical realism and the growing competition among global defence suppliers.
If Sweden were to eventually delay or cancel the Gripen deal, Thailand would be forced to explore alternative platforms. Regional players such as South Korea’s KF-21 Boramae, China’s J-10CE, and the U.S.-made F-16V Block 70/72 are all being considered by Southeast Asian nations looking to upgrade their fourth- and fifth-generation capabilities.
But such a shift would come at a cost. Thailand’s existing Saab infrastructure, training programs, and C2 systems are built around the Gripen ecosystem. Switching platforms would mean retraining pilots, revamping logistics, and potentially compromising interoperability with current systems.
“Thailand’s Gripen fleet is more than just a fighter aircraft,” said Dr. Chatri Wong, a military strategist based in Bangkok.
“It’s the brain and muscle of the country’s air defence network.”
A move away from Gripen could therefore disrupt Thailand’s long-term defence posture and complicate its regional security commitments, especially in the contested South China Sea where air superiority is increasingly central to power projection.
The RTAF is expected to press ahead with the Gripen E/F deal unless Sweden issues a formal freeze, which currently appears unlikely. Meanwhile, Saab continues to court new customers—including the Philippines, Colombia, Croatia, and the Czech Republic—making the Thai case a potential precedent for future export evaluations.
For now, the Swedish Embassy’s statement offers a measure of reassurance. It communicates to the Thai government—and to the broader region—that Sweden remains committed to its defence relationships, even amid politically complex and high-stakes circumstances.
However, the situation remains fluid. Any future escalation along the Thai-Cambodian border, or adverse findings from ISP’s internal reviews, could still change Stockholm’s calculus. Conversely, if Thailand can convincingly demonstrate that its use of the Gripen fighters was strictly defensive and proportional, the path for future deliveries could remain clear.