The Pakistan Navy concluded a comprehensive two-day maritime exercise from June 1–2, 2025. The operation unfolded across the breadth of its coastal and port infrastructure, with the clear aim of reinforcing defences against a spectrum of sub-conventional and asymmetric maritime threats. This show of force is not merely a tactical drill—it is a calculated response to a deteriorating regional security environment and a history of clandestine underwater confrontations with arch-rival India.
Held amid a dangerously intensifying standoff between the two nuclear-armed neighbours, the exercise showcased Pakistan’s resolve to maintain control over its maritime domain. The timing was unmistakable. Over the four days leading up to the drills, India and Pakistan exchanged precision airstrikes, engaged in cross-border artillery shelling, and launched armed drone sorties and ballistic missiles in tit-for-tat provocations along the volatile Line of Control (LoC).
This crescendo of hostilities has spurred fears of escalation spilling into the maritime domain—where both countries have increasingly relied on stealth, submarine warfare, and grey-zone operations to assert dominance and test adversary defences.
According to Commodore Ahmed Hussain, Director General of Public Relations for the Pakistan Navy, the exercise aimed to “validate and refine tactics, techniques and procedures (TTPs) to ensure robust defence of critical maritime infrastructure against evolving asymmetric threats.”
This was no mere showmanship. The operation featured a full-spectrum deployment of Pakistan Navy Fleet units, Special Service Group Navy (SSG-N), Pak Marines, and Naval Aviation. Coordinated across surface, air, and subsurface platforms, the exercise involved simulations of enemy special forces infiltration, drone swarm attacks, underwater sabotage, and multi-domain assaults—all scenarios aligned with contemporary Indian naval doctrine focused on network-centric warfare and hybrid maritime coercion.
Rear Admiral Faisal Amin, Commander Coast (COMCOAST), personally oversaw critical segments of the drills, including live-action port breach scenarios and underwater threat interdictions executed by elite counter-sabotage and special operations teams. Speaking from Gwadar, a strategic deep-sea port under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), Rear Admiral Amin emphasized the strategic importance of securing port infrastructure—not only as military objectives but as economic arteries essential to national resilience.
“Securing ports like Gwadar and Karachi is integral to ensuring national economic stability and energy security. Any disruption is not just a tactical risk—it’s a strategic threat,” Amin stated.
This message found resonance just 48 hours after Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh issued an unusually blunt warning that India “will not hesitate to unleash naval firepower in response to future aggression.” His remarks, widely seen as a signal of Indian intent to expand its naval posture in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), have been met with stern warnings from Islamabad.
Pakistan’s military command reiterated its earlier declaration from May 12, promising a “comprehensive and decisive” response to any violation of its maritime boundaries.
This latest exercise also draws legitimacy from Pakistan’s demonstrated vigilance in repelling Indian undersea incursions—a recurring feature of regional military friction. In March 2022, during Exercise SEASPARK-22, a Pakistan Navy anti-submarine warfare (ASW) team successfully detected and tracked a Kalvari-class submarine belonging to the Indian Navy attempting to stealthily breach Pakistani waters.
According to Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the submarine was intercepted while operating at snorkel depth, trying to recharge its batteries under electronic silence. The Pakistani response was swift, enabled by a layered surveillance grid including P-3C Orion patrol aircraft, seabed hydrophones, and towed sonar arrays. This incident marked the fourth such interdiction since 2016, following similar attempts in November 2016 and October 2019.
The Kalvari-class, a variant of the French Scorpène design, is among India’s most modern conventional submarines. Equipped with Exocet anti-ship missiles, heavyweight torpedoes, and sophisticated acoustic stealth systems, these submarines are designed to penetrate contested waters with minimal detection. Yet, the fact that Pakistan has repeatedly intercepted these platforms underscores the effectiveness of its coastal ASW defences—and the intensity of the undersea chess match playing out in the Arabian Sea.
India’s submarine fleet forms the vanguard of its maritime deterrence strategy, blending legacy Soviet-built platforms with modern Western technology and an emerging indigenous nuclear capability. As of mid-2025, the Indian Navy operates 17 submarines, including 15 conventional diesel-electric attack submarines (SSKs) and two nuclear-powered vessels.
The pride of this force is the Kalvari-class. Five of the six boats—INS Kalvari, Khanderi, Karanj, Vela, and Vagir—are fully operational, while INS Vagsheer is undergoing sea trials. These vessels are expected to be retrofitted with Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) systems, enhancing endurance and stealth in littoral warfare scenarios.
Complementing this fleet are eight Soviet-era Kilo-class submarines (Sindhughosh-class) and four German-built Type 209s (Shishumar-class). While aging, these boats continue to serve effectively due to mid-life upgrades and integration with cruise missile platforms.
India’s nuclear undersea deterrent rests on its Arihant-class SSBNs. INS Arihant, equipped with K-15 ballistic missiles, is already operational, while INS Arighat is in the final stages of outfitting and will carry longer-range K-4 SLBMs. Additionally, India is pursuing a new fleet of six nuclear attack submarines (SSNs) under the Strategic Forces Command and has plans to lease another Akula-class SSN from Russia.
The Indian Navy is also pursuing Project-75I, a long-delayed program to induct six next-generation SSKs with AIP and vertical launch capabilities for BrahMos-class cruise missiles. While procurement hurdles persist, the eventual deployment of these submarines will further enhance India’s power projection across the IOR.
Across the maritime divide, Pakistan is engaged in its own submarine renaissance. The Pakistan Navy currently operates five SSKs: three Agosta-90B (Khalid-class) boats with AIP and two older Agosta-70s (Hashmat-class). The Agosta-90B fleet forms the operational nucleus, having undergone extensive mid-life upgrades under a $350 million contract with Turkey’s STM. These upgrades include new sonar systems, electronic warfare suites, and fire-control systems capable of launching heavyweight torpedoes and submarine-launched cruise missiles (SLCMs).
However, Pakistan’s most significant leap forward lies in its future Hangor-class submarines—eight boats based on the Chinese Type 039B (Yuan-class) design, equipped with AIP and stealth features. Under a $4–5 billion agreement with China, four submarines are being built in Chinese shipyards and four at Karachi Shipyard & Engineering Works (KSEW) under a technology transfer arrangement.
As of 2025, the first two submarines—PNS Hangor and PNS Shushuk—have been launched, with deliveries expected by the end of this year and 2026 respectively. These boats are believed to be configured for the Babur-3 SLCM, a nuclear-capable system with a 450-km range—offering Pakistan its first credible second-strike capability from sea.
The Hangor-class, displacing nearly 2,800 tonnes, will significantly enhance Pakistan’s ability to perform long-endurance patrols, deny enemy access, and carry out deterrent operations deep into contested maritime corridors, including the Strait of Hormuz.
The undersea dynamic between India and Pakistan is evolving into a shadow war—an opaque, high-risk contest involving surveillance, counter-detection, strategic deterrence, and the risk of inadvertent escalation.
Naval strategists warn that submerged engagements carry inherently higher risks than those on land or air. Submarines are difficult to track and harder to communicate with, making accidental clashes or misjudged intent particularly perilous in tense political climates.
With both India and Pakistan rapidly modernizing their submarine fleets—India emphasizing range, stealth, and strategic reach; Pakistan prioritizing survivability, AIP, and second-strike credibility—the region’s maritime balance is shifting beneath the surface.
This growing complexity demands new command-and-control structures, crisis communication channels, and confidence-building mechanisms to prevent unintended confrontation. However, political will on both sides remains elusive, especially in the face of domestic nationalism, contested borders, and unresolved grievances dating back over seven decades.
This bilateral submarine contest is occurring in a wider context of Indo-Pacific turbulence. China’s expanding naval footprint in the Indian Ocean, U.S. interest in countering Beijing’s maritime rise through QUAD cooperation, and the Gulf’s critical dependence on safe sea lanes all heighten the stakes.
India has partnered closely with the U.S. and Australia on ASW training, integrating P-8I maritime patrol aircraft and undersea sensor networks, while Pakistan increasingly relies on China for technology, fleet support, and naval basing access through Gwadar.
As both nations deepen military-industrial cooperation with competing powers, their rivalry risks becoming a proxy battleground within the broader strategic competition engulfing the Indo-Pacific. This layered complexity means that a submarine standoff off Karachi or Mumbai may not stay local for long.
As Pakistan’s Navy wraps up its two-day maritime exercise, it sends a clear message to friend and foe alike: Pakistan is preparing for the full spectrum of maritime challenges, with special emphasis on the undersea theatre where detection is sparse, deniability is high, and the stakes are existential.
India, too, continues to hone its submarine fleet as a tool of deterrence, disruption, and deep-sea dominance.
