As tensions continue to simmer across Europe and the Indo-Pacific, Ukraine has proposed sharing its combat-proven naval drone technology with Japan—an offer that could mark a significant shift in Tokyo’s traditionally cautious defence posture and deepen strategic ties between Kyiv and one of Asia’s most technologically advanced powers.
In an interview with Japan’s Kyodo News agency, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Kyiv is prepared to collaborate closely with Japan in the defence sector, including joint manufacturing initiatives and the exchange of sensitive military technologies. Portions of the interview were later published on his official Telegram channel, underscoring what analysts see as a deliberate signal to Indo-Pacific stakeholders.
“Japan is one of the countries that has licenses or its own production of missiles and air defense systems capable of countering ballistic threats. And of course, we want to cooperate, have joint production or exchange knowledge,” Zelenskyy said.
He added that Ukraine is ready to share the lessons and technologies developed during its ongoing war with Russia, including its now-famous naval drones that have played a central role in crippling Russia’s Black Sea Fleet.
“For example, naval drones to protect the coastline,” he said. “We can share what we have learned in this war.”
Japan has so far refrained from directly transferring lethal weapons to Ukraine, adhering to long-standing constitutional and policy restrictions on exporting arms to countries engaged in active conflicts. Instead, Tokyo has emerged as one of Kyiv’s most generous financial backers, providing approximately $20 billion in assistance, including humanitarian aid, budgetary support, reconstruction funding, and energy infrastructure repairs.
Japan also participates in NATO’s Comprehensive Assistance Package (CAP) for Ukraine, focusing on non-lethal support such as protective gear, logistics equipment, and technical assistance.
In a notable development in November 2025, Japan made its first-ever export of domestically produced Patriot PAC-3 interceptors from the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF) inventory to the United States. The transfer was made at Washington’s request, enabling the US to continue supplying interceptors to Ukraine without further depleting American stockpiles. The Patriot system, originally developed by Raytheon and now produced in cooperation with Japanese firms under US license, remains one of the most sought-after air defence systems in Ukraine’s fight against Russian missile and drone barrages.
Japan is also set to join a NATO-led initiative known as the Prioritised Ukraine Requirements List (PURL), under which participating nations fund purchases of US-made equipment for Ukraine. However, Tokyo’s contributions under this framework are currently limited to non-lethal items such as vehicles, radar systems, and protective equipment.
Yet the strategic conversation in Tokyo appears to be evolving.
Under Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, Japan is reportedly considering further easing restrictions on lethal arms exports, particularly in light of mounting security concerns involving China, Russia, and North Korea. Against this backdrop, Zelenskyy’s proposal is being interpreted as a calculated effort to align Ukraine’s battlefield innovation with Japan’s industrial capacity and growing defence ambitions.
Zelenskyy stressed that air defence remains “crucial” for Ukraine as it confronts sustained Russian missile and drone attacks. Japan, as a licensed producer of Patriot interceptors and other advanced systems, could potentially play a larger role in strengthening Ukraine’s air defence network through joint production or technology-sharing arrangements.
Ukraine, for its part, is offering reciprocal cooperation in areas such as ballistic missile countermeasures, naval and sea drones, interceptor drones, cybersecurity, and crisis management of critical infrastructure.
The Ukrainian leader highlighted his country’s ability to adapt under wartime pressure. Despite lacking a conventional navy, Ukraine has managed to push back the Russian Black Sea Fleet through the innovative use of unmanned surface vessels (USVs) and underwater drones.
“They do not approach our shores because of the capabilities of our naval drones,” Zelenskyy said, referring to Russian warships. “There are also other things that could be useful for Japan: cybersecurity, interceptor drones, management of energy and critical infrastructure during crises, broader experience of modern warfare.”
How Sea Drones Changed the Black Sea Battlefield
Ukraine’s naval drone campaign has become one of the most closely studied examples of asymmetric warfare in modern history. Beginning in 2023, Kyiv deployed explosive-laden USVs to strike Russian warships, intelligence vessels, and logistics assets in the Black Sea.
Among the early targets was the Russian intelligence ship Ivan Khurs. Subsequent operations escalated dramatically.
In February 2024, Ukraine’s Magura V5 sea drone reportedly sank the Tarantul-class corvette Ivanovets and a Ropucha-class landing ship—marking the first time unmanned surface vessels had destroyed major warships in active combat.
The Sea Baby and Magura series of drones demonstrated long-range strike capabilities—reportedly up to 1,500 kilometres—while carrying substantial explosive payloads. They proved resilient against Russian electronic warfare systems and air defences, forcing Moscow to pull back key assets from forward positions.
On December 31, 2024, Ukraine achieved another milestone when its military intelligence agency, known as the HUR, announced that a Russian helicopter had been shot down using a missile launched from a sea drone. According to Ukrainian officials, the special unit “Group 13” fired an R-73 “SeeDragon” missile from a Magura-V5 platform near Cape Tarkhankut in Crimea—an unprecedented use of an unmanned surface vessel to conduct an anti-air engagement.
Ukrainian forces later claimed to have downed a Su-30 fighter jet using surface-to-air missiles launched from USVs, further blurring the line between naval and aerial warfare.
In December 2025, Kyiv reportedly carried out what it described as the world’s first underwater drone strike on a Project 636 Varshavyanka (Improved Kilo-class) diesel-electric submarine in the Black Sea port of Novorossiysk, using a platform dubbed the “Sub Sea Baby.”
Some Western assessments suggest that up to one-third of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet assets have been sunk, damaged, or rendered inoperable since the start of the conflict—though independent verification varies.
Why Japan Is Watching Closely
Japan’s strategic environment is increasingly complex. With a vast exclusive economic zone, extensive coastlines, and remote island chains stretching toward Taiwan and the East China Sea, Tokyo faces potential maritime challenges from larger naval powers, particularly China.
The Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) and the Acquisition, Technology & Logistics Agency (ATLA) have been investing in unmanned systems, including modular unmanned surface vessels and autonomous underwater platforms. Japanese defence giants such as Mitsubishi Heavy Industries are already developing next-generation unmanned maritime systems tailored to Japan’s defence needs.
However, Ukraine’s experience offers something unique: combat validation under high-intensity conflict conditions.
Kyiv’s sea drones have demonstrated how relatively inexpensive platforms can deny adversaries access to coastal waters, create “no-go” zones, and disrupt amphibious operations. For Japan, which faces the prospect of defending remote islands against potential amphibious incursions, such capabilities could serve as a force multiplier.
By integrating similar tactics or technologies, Japan could enhance its sea-denial strategy without relying exclusively on large, crewed warships—assets that are costly, limited in number, and increasingly vulnerable to missile and drone swarms.
Zelenskyy’s outreach to Japan reflects a broader Ukrainian strategy of exporting its wartime innovations to like-minded partners. Countries including the United States, Taiwan, and several NATO members are closely studying Ukraine’s use of unmanned systems to offset conventional disadvantages.
For Japan, cooperation with Ukraine would signal a further departure from its post-war pacifist constraints toward a more proactive defence posture. It would also reinforce Tokyo’s growing alignment with Western security frameworks, including NATO partnerships and US-led deterrence initiatives in the Indo-Pacific.
At the same time, any move toward lethal arms cooperation could provoke reactions from Beijing and Moscow, both of which have criticised Japan’s gradual loosening of export restrictions.
Analysts note that Japan’s recent defence reforms—including increased military spending, acquisition of counterstrike capabilities, and reinterpretations of arms export guidelines—suggest that Tokyo is preparing for a more contested regional environment.
Ukraine’s offer arrives at a moment when both nations see their security challenges as interconnected. Russia and China have expanded military cooperation, while North Korea has supplied ammunition and potentially other materiel to Moscow.
For Kyiv, closer ties with Japan could open new industrial partnerships and diversify its defence supply chain. For Tokyo, access to battlefield-tested unmanned systems could accelerate its own transition toward distributed, resilient maritime defences.
The transformation of Ukraine’s defence sector over the past three years has been dramatic. Deprived of a traditional navy and facing a larger adversary, Kyiv turned to low-cost innovation—developing domestically produced unmanned boats capable of reconnaissance, surveillance, and offensive missions.
These USVs are significantly cheaper than conventional warships or cruise missiles, yet capable of inflicting disproportionate damage. Their psychological impact has also been substantial, forcing Russia to relocate key naval assets and adjust operational patterns.
If Japan and Ukraine move forward with joint production or technology-sharing arrangements, the partnership could represent a fusion of Ukrainian battlefield ingenuity and Japanese industrial precision.
Such cooperation would not only deepen bilateral ties but also reshape the evolving landscape of maritime warfare—where unmanned systems, networked sensors, and asymmetric tactics increasingly define the balance of power.
Whether Tokyo ultimately chooses to cross the threshold into lethal arms collaboration remains uncertain. But Zelenskyy’s proposal has opened a new chapter in the intersection between Europe’s largest war in decades and the rising strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific.
As maritime tensions grow and technology reshapes warfare, Ukraine’s sea drones—born of necessity in the Black Sea—may soon find relevance far beyond Europe’s shores.
