In a stunning political turnaround that has reshaped South Asia’s political landscape, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has swept to power in Bangladesh’s first national election since last year’s dramatic student-led uprising. At the center of this seismic shift stands Tarique Rahman, 60, who is set to lead the nation of 170 million people after spending 17 years in exile in the United Kingdom.
The BNP-led alliance secured 212 seats in the 300-member Jatiya Sangsad, compared to just 77 seats won by the Jamaat-e-Islami-led bloc, according to official results released by the Election Commission. Voting was held in 299 constituencies, with turnout recorded at 59 percent. International observers, including the European Union, described the polls as “credible,” marking a stark contrast to previous elections marred by allegations of irregularities and boycotts.
“This victory belongs to Bangladesh, belongs to democracy,” Rahman declared in his first public address after the results were confirmed. “This victory belongs to people who aspire to and have sacrificed for democracy.”
Rahman’s ascent represents one of the most dramatic political comebacks in recent memory. The elder son of former President Ziaur Rahman and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, he had long been regarded as the political heir to the BNP. However, his fortunes collapsed in 2007 when his mother’s government fell amid military-backed intervention.
Facing corruption charges and mounting legal pressure, Rahman left Bangladesh in 2008 and settled in London. Convicted in absentia on multiple counts, he appeared politically sidelined for more than a decade. Critics portrayed him as a leader in name only, disconnected from the grassroots realities of Bangladeshi politics.
Everything changed following the 2024 student-led uprising that forced then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina from office. Hasina, leader of the now-banned Awami League, fled to India amid mounting unrest and allegations of authoritarian governance. An interim government headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge, pledging democratic reforms and fresh elections.
In late December 2025, Rahman returned quietly to Dhaka. Within weeks, legal proceedings against him were overturned, clearing the path for his formal political re-entry. His campaign, built around the slogan “Bangladesh First,” promised economic revival, institutional reform, and national unity after years of polarisation.
With the Awami League barred from contesting, the BNP entered the race as clear favourites. Hasina, 78, who was sentenced to death in absentia on charges related to crimes against humanity during the crackdown on protesters, denounced the election from India as “illegal and unconstitutional.”
Alongside the parliamentary vote, Bangladeshis also endorsed a sweeping democratic reform charter through a national referendum. Backed by Yunus, the charter aims to prevent the re-emergence of one-party dominance and overhaul what he described as a “completely broken” governance system.
Proposed reforms include term limits for the prime minister, the creation of a new upper house of parliament, expanded presidential powers, and strengthened judicial independence.
Speaking earlier on Saturday, Yunus expressed hope that Rahman would “help guide the country toward stability, inclusiveness, and development.”
Rahman acknowledged the scale of the task ahead. “We are about to begin our journey in a situation marked by a fragile economy left behind by an authoritarian regime, weakening constitutional and structural institutions,” he said. “Our paths and opinions may differ, but in the interest of the country, we must remain united.”
Diplomatic reactions were swift. The United States Embassy in Dhaka congratulated the BNP on what it termed a “historic victory,” while India praised Rahman’s “decisive win,” signaling an effort to stabilize ties that had deteriorated during the upheaval.
Rahman’s comeback has drawn comparisons beyond South Asia. Across the region and beyond, another exiled political heir is positioning himself as an agent of change: Reza Pahlavi, the son of Iran’s last Shah.
Speaking at a rally in Munich attended by thousands of supporters, Pahlavi declared he was ready to lead Iran toward a “secular democratic future.” “I am here to guarantee a transition to a secular democratic future,” he said. “I am committed to be the leader of transition for you so we can one day have the final opportunity to decide the fate of our country through a democratic, transparent process to the ballot box.”
The rally came amid renewed diplomatic engagement between Washington and Tehran and escalating anti-regime protests inside Iran. Demonstrations have spread from Los Angeles to Washington, with protesters waving pre-1979 Iranian flags bearing the lion and sun emblem and chanting “Javid Shah” — long live the Shah.
Pahlavi, who has lived in the United States since the 1979 Islamic Revolution toppled his father’s monarchy, has urged Iranians to continue protests and civil resistance. He has outlined a roadmap involving a transitional government, a national referendum, and free elections.
The parallels between Rahman and Pahlavi are striking at first glance. Both are sons of powerful political figures. Both spent long years in exile — Rahman in London for 17 years, Pahlavi in the United States for nearly five decades. Both were once dismissed as relics of past political orders.
Yet their contexts differ sharply.
Bangladesh’s transition unfolded rapidly: a student revolt, an interim administration under Yunus, institutional backing for elections, and a ban on the former ruling party. While controversial, the process culminated in internationally observed polls that conferred a clear electoral mandate.
Iran presents a far more complex scenario. The Islamic Republic’s power structure, anchored by the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and reinforced by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), remains deeply entrenched. The state has demonstrated a capacity to suppress dissent through internet blackouts and security crackdowns.
History offers an ironic twist. Before returning to Iran in 1979 to lead the revolution that established the Islamic Republic, Ruhollah Khomeini spent nearly 15 years in exile, including time in France. From abroad, he mobilized supporters and shaped a revolutionary movement that ultimately reshaped Iran and the Middle East.
Now, decades later, the exiled heir of the monarchy seeks to mobilize opposition against the very system Khomeini built.
For Bangladesh, Rahman’s return underscores a potent lesson: exile need not mean political extinction. His transformation from a London-based political outcast to prime minister-in-waiting in under two months is extraordinary.
However, analysts caution that electoral victory is only the beginning. Bangladesh faces economic strain, high youth unemployment, institutional fragility, and deep political divisions. The banning of the Awami League, while welcomed by some as necessary for democratic reset, also raises concerns about inclusiveness and political pluralism.
Rahman has pledged to govern for all citizens, including those who did not vote for him. Whether he can bridge entrenched divides and deliver tangible economic improvements will determine whether his comeback becomes a lasting political renaissance or a fleeting chapter.
For Pahlavi and Iran’s opposition, Bangladesh’s experience may serve as both inspiration and caution. Regime change through ballots rather than bullets requires institutional openings that may not exist in Tehran.
As Rahman told jubilant supporters in Dhaka, “This victory belongs to democracy.” Whether similar words will one day echo in Tehran remains uncertain.
History has shown that exiled leaders can return at pivotal moments — but only when domestic conditions align with political opportunity. For now, Bangladesh has written a new chapter. Iran’s story is still unfolding.
