Belgium has confirmed it will shift the final assembly of future F-35A fighter jets to Europe, in a move aimed at bolstering domestic industrial returns, aligning defense procurement with European strategic goals, and reducing dependency on non-European infrastructure. This development follows a high-level agreement between Belgian Defense Minister Theo Francken and Lockheed Martin leadership, with Italy’s Cameri Final Assembly and Check-Out (FACO) facility designated as the new assembly site.
The decision marks a turning point in Belgium’s evolving defense procurement strategy. Since joining the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program in 2018, Belgium has faced persistent questions over economic offsets, supply chain dependencies, and strategic autonomy. The move to assemble jets at Cameri, operated by Italy’s Leonardo in partnership with Lockheed Martin, is intended to address several of these concerns while strengthening Belgium’s contribution to the European defense industrial base.
“This isn’t just about aircraft,” said Francken during a May 7 press briefing. “It’s about anchoring our defense investments in Europe. It’s about jobs, sovereignty, and aligning our procurement with strategic goals.”
Cameri, located in northern Italy, is currently the only European facility certified to conduct final assembly of the F-35. It began production in 2015 and also serves as a regional Maintenance, Repair, Overhaul, and Upgrade (MRO&U) hub. Beyond assembly, Leonardo manufactures wing components for the global F-35 fleet at sites in Foggia and Nola. While its production output is lower than the main Lockheed Martin facility in Fort Worth, Texas, unit costs are reported to be on par.
The assembly shift is framed by a broader EU context. If aircraft assembled at Cameri are deemed “European-made” under EU regulations, Belgium could qualify for defense-related borrowing allowances. Such classification would ease the fiscal burden of high-cost acquisitions and allow Belgium to tap into evolving EU defense finance mechanisms. As Francken noted, “The legal and regulatory implications are still under review, but our position is clear: European assembly should unlock European funding.”
Belgium’s entry into the F-35 program dates back to 2018 under then-Defense Minister Steven Vandeput. A competitive tender involving the Eurofighter Typhoon and Dassault Rafale ended with a €3.6 billion deal for 34 F-35As. The selection prioritized cost-efficiency and performance across seven criteria. The overall program cost has since been revised to €4 billion to include training, infrastructure, and operational support through 2030.
To date, eight F-35s have been delivered to Belgium, all produced in Fort Worth. They are stationed at Luke Air Force Base, Arizona, where Belgian pilots and technicians undergo training. The first operational aircraft are expected to arrive in Belgium in autumn 2025, with significant upgrades underway at Florennes and Kleine-Brogel air bases. These upgrades, backed by a €275 million investment, include advanced hangars, training simulators, maintenance bays, aircraft shelters, and personnel accommodations.
On April 23, 2025, Prime Minister Bart De Wever and Francken jointly announced plans to procure up to 11 additional F-35As, bringing the total potential fleet size to 45. This expansion is part of Belgium’s rapid defense modernization, framed by increased NATO commitments and deteriorating regional security.
The F-35 purchase was initially promoted with promises of industrial returns. Then-Economy Minister Kris Peeters projected substantial economic benefits. Yet by 2022, actual contracts to Belgian firms totaled only €700 million—far short of expectations.
A revised 2024 agreement forecasts average annual returns of €66 million over 40 years, or €2.7 billion in total. This remains well below the €12.4 billion lifetime cost of the F-35 fleet. These figures have prompted criticism and calls for stricter offset requirements. Francken has promised that all future defense procurements will include enforceable industrial participation clauses. The decision to shift assembly to Cameri is expected to increase Belgian industry’s involvement in future production lots.
On April 11, 2025, Belgium signed the Easter Agreement, a landmark financial framework that raises defense spending by €3.9 billion and brings the country in line with NATO’s 2% GDP benchmark four years ahead of schedule. The funding is derived from dividends from the state-owned Belfius bank and proceeds from frozen Russian assets.
Over the next five years, Belgium plans to invest more than €20 billion in defense. Francken has made clear that if Cameri-produced aircraft are classified as European, Belgium will explore EU defense borrowing mechanisms to finance part of the fleet.
This financial maneuvering illustrates a broader shift across EU member states, where budgetary rules are being adapted to accommodate collective security priorities. Belgium’s push for Cameri-assembled F-35s to count as European-made is viewed by analysts as a test case for new EU defense financing policies.
While tactical considerations such as pilot training and aircraft delivery schedules remain central, Belgium’s decision is fundamentally strategic. It signals a deeper commitment to defense autonomy and industrial cooperation within the EU. Belgium’s participation in NATO, including hosting SHAPE and NCIA in Mons, makes interoperability essential. The F-35’s multinational architecture supports this objective.
Critics have periodically raised concerns about U.S. oversight and the rumored existence of a so-called “kill switch” in the F-35 software. On March 10, 2025, Francken addressed these allegations, calling them an “urban legend.” He emphasized that Belgian aircraft can operate autonomously for at least a month, drawing on internal software systems and multinational logistics pools.
In 2023, Belgium temporarily paused delivery of two jets due to software and cockpit display problems. Despite these setbacks, officials confirmed the continuation of the program based on necessity and lack of viable alternatives.
Francken reaffirmed that Belgium supports the European sixth-generation fighter program (SCAF) and has contributed €60 million to its development. However, the projected timeline of post-2040 renders it incompatible with Belgium’s near-term defense posture. “SCAF is our future,” he said. “The F-35 is our present.”
The F-35 remains a transatlantic endeavor, but European industry plays a critical role. The UK, a Level 1 partner, provides the F-35B’s vertical lift system and ejection seat. Leonardo manufactures wing components; a Rheinmetall-Northrop Grumman venture in Germany is developing a fuselage line. Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Canada, and Australia are additional contributors.
Deputy Prime Minister Peeters has stated that approximately 30% of each F-35 consists of European-sourced components. Belgium argues that this European footprint justifies not only industrial but also financial support within EU structures. De Wever reiterated, “This is not just an American jet. It is a multinational platform, and Belgium has a stake in it.”
The defense policy overhaul comes amid shifting European security dynamics. The war in Ukraine, tensions in the Indo-Pacific, and renewed emphasis on NATO have led many countries to reassess capabilities. At the upcoming NATO summit in The Hague, Belgium will support discussions to raise the alliance’s defense spending benchmark from 2% to 3% of GDP.
Domestically, the political consensus on defense is fragile. Some left-leaning parties remain skeptical of escalating military budgets, especially given underwhelming economic returns from previous procurements. Still, the threat landscape and international obligations have muted outright opposition.
Belgium also plans to acquire new multiple rocket launchers, armored vehicles, and cyber-secure communications infrastructure. The Ministry of Defence is currently conducting feasibility studies and vendor consultations.
By shifting F-35 assembly to Italy, Belgium aims to bridge the divide between its stated strategic ambitions and actual procurement outcomes. The move supports European industry, aligns with EU financing rules, and potentially boosts domestic economic participation. Whether this shift delivers the expected industrial and financial dividends remains to be seen, but for now, it positions Belgium as a more active player in shaping Europe’s defense future.
