Ireland has signalled a decisive shift in its approach to airspace and maritime security after the Department of Defence confirmed approval of the preliminary business case for the long-planned Military Radar Programme, clearing the way for formal government-to-government negotiations with France. The decision, reported by The Irish Times and The Journal on December 16 and detailed in a Department of Defence statement published the following day, marks the most substantive move yet to address longstanding gaps in Ireland’s ability to monitor and protect its sovereign airspace.
At the centre of the programme is a proposal to acquire a primary radar capability that would allow the Defence Forces to maintain a complete “Recognised Air Picture” over the State. Unlike secondary surveillance systems, which rely on aircraft transponders, primary radar can detect aircraft even when identification systems are switched off. Irish officials have repeatedly argued that the absence of such a capability leaves the country reliant on partners for basic situational awareness, particularly over the Atlantic approaches.
While the Department of Defence has stressed that final costs will only be determined later in the procurement process, media reports point to a price tag of around €500 million. The Irish Times has cited that figure as a working estimate, while The Journal notes that earlier assessments from military sources suggested the overall cost could exceed €300 million once supporting systems are included. Either way, the investment would represent one of the largest single capital outlays in the history of the Defence Forces.
Crucially, the radar initiative is not conceived as a single sensor purchase but as a broader, layered architecture. According to the Department of Defence, the Military Radar Programme comprises three interlinked elements: land-based long-range primary radar, ground-based air defence systems including a counter-unmanned aerial system (C-UAS) component, and maritime, ship-borne radar for the Naval Service. Together, these elements are intended to generate a coherent national air and maritime picture while also providing a limited capacity to respond to emerging threats, particularly at low altitude.
The operational mechanism underpinning the programme is as significant as the capability itself. France has been identified as Ireland’s preferred partner, with proposals coordinated through the Direction Générale de l’Armement (DGA), Paris’s defence procurement agency. Approval of the preliminary business case now allows Dublin to enter detailed negotiations with the French government on a potential agreement, with procurement conducted under EU defence procurement rules.
This approach effectively places a substantial portion of Ireland’s defence procurement process in French hands. As The Irish Times observes, the French state’s shareholdings in major defence companies such as Thales and Dassault Aviation make French-owned firms likely industrial partners, even though no prime contractor has yet been selected. The Journal similarly highlights Thales’s established role in radar manufacturing and notes Ireland’s recent contract with the company for naval sonar systems as an indicator of the industrial landscape surrounding the talks.
Politically, the decision comes at a sensitive moment. Ireland is preparing to assume the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union in July 2026, a role that will significantly increase the security demands placed on the State. The Department of Defence has explicitly linked the radar programme and associated counter-drone measures to the need to protect high-profile visits, critical infrastructure and major political events during the presidency period.
Minister for Defence Helen McEntee has framed the programme as central to national security planning and to delivering on commitments in the Programme for Government. She has also linked it to the €1.7 billion Defence Forces allocation outlined in the National Development Plan, presenting the radar investment as part of a broader effort to modernise capabilities that have long lagged behind those of comparable European states.
The urgency of counter-drone measures has been underscored by recent events. Reporting by The Journal indicates that the decision to fast-track a counter-UAS capability was prompted by a drone incursion observed during the recent visit of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to Ireland. In response, the Department of Defence has confirmed that it is in the final stages of negotiations to conclude a counter-drone contract before the end of the year. The aim is to give the Defence Forces the ability to detect, track and, if necessary, neutralise hostile or unauthorised drones, while also supporting An Garda Síochána in domestic security operations.
Although approval of the preliminary business case does not lock Ireland into a specific radar model or supplier, it does lock in strategic direction. By opting for a government-to-government pathway with France, Dublin is seeking to accelerate delivery, reduce procurement risk and rapidly close what defence planners see as a critical vulnerability. Initial rollout of capabilities is expected to begin next year, with full delivery targeted for the end of 2028.
The immediate challenge will be translating political intent into operational effect. Delivering early counter-drone capacity ahead of the EU presidency, while simultaneously building a credible, persistent recognised air picture, will test the Defence Forces’ ability to absorb complex new systems and the State’s capacity to manage a fast-tracked, high-value procurement. What is clear, however, is that Ireland has now committed to moving beyond limited surveillance toward a more structured and assertive approach to protecting its airspace and maritime approaches.
